Charles Loomes: A Forgotten Pioneer of New Zealand Military Innovation

In the popular telling of New Zealand’s military history, the country is often cast as a recipient of overseas innovation, dependent on British or Allied designs to meet its military needs. However, overlooked in the archives is the story of Charles Loomes, a Defence Stores official whose early 20th-century inventions demonstrated both ingenuity and a deep understanding of local operational conditions.

In 1910, as New Zealand established a modest domestic military manufacturing base—primarily focused on converting local wool into standard British-pattern uniforms—Loomes submitted two proposals to the War Office in London: one for a new entrenching tool and another for an improved infantry equipment system. Both designs were intended to enhance the practicality and comfort of New Zealand soldiers in the field.

Although his ideas were ultimately not adopted, Loomes’s efforts exemplify a quiet but essential tradition of military innovation in New Zealand—one that deserves far greater recognition.

A Life of Service and Practical Insight

Charles Loomes was born in 1857 in Whittlesey, England, and emigrated to New Zealand, where he entered public service. By the early 1900s, he was working with the New Zealand Defence Stores Department in Wellington, a precursor to today’s logistical branches of the NZDF. He was not a military commander or weapons engineer, but rather a public servant embedded in the practicalities of supply and equipment. His proximity to returning troops from the South African War (1899–1902) gave him rare insight into the shortcomings of British military kit in colonial conditions. This combination of technical competence and frontline empathy shaped his two major design proposals.

The Entrenching Tool: A Tool for the Dominion, Not the Empire

At a time when British military orthodoxy remained firmly anchored in European conditions, Charles Loomes’ 1910 entrenching tool design stood out as a locally informed innovation. New Zealand troops had just returned from the South African War, bringing lessons hard learned in the scrublands and semi-arid terrain—lessons not adequately reflected in British-issue tools. The shortcomings of the British entrenching tool were increasingly evident: it was heavy, ill-suited for bush work, and cumbersome in combat conditions that demanded speed, versatility, and improvisation.

Loomes, drawing upon feedback from returning veterans and his knowledge, designed a hybrid tool that merged the capabilities of a spade and a tomahawk. His model featured a shorter shaft for easier handling in confined environments and a reinforced blade capable of cutting through vegetation and lifting compact earth. He noted that the tool was designed to remove intact clumps of soil, making it ideal for quickly constructing makeshift sangars, foxholes, or low parapets. This capacity reflected an understanding of the semi-permanent, fast-moving trench systems standard in irregular warfare and mobile operations environments where New Zealand soldiers often found themselves.[1]

According to the 1910 Defence Council report, New Zealand was reforming its defence organisation in anticipation of Lord Kitchener’s review. This included transitioning to a field force more attuned to national conditions. Loomes’ proposal arrived at a critical moment—just as local military leaders and policymakers were beginning to contemplate how New Zealand’s needs might diverge from Britain’s. The fact that the War Office in London reviewed and formally responded to Loomes’ tool submission, thanking him and returning the sample, underscores the event’s rarity. Colonial submissions were often ignored or lost in bureaucracy; Loomes’ treatment was an outlier.

This modest response, while not leading to adoption, highlights the credibility of the proposal and its alignment with growing imperial awareness of environment-specific military needs. The reality, however, was stark: New Zealand had little indigenous arms production capability at the time, and the cost of tooling up to produce such implements locally was seen as prohibitive. The result was that practicality bowed to imperial standardisation.

Nonetheless, Loomes’ design prefigures later developments. As early as the Second World War, entrenching tools would again be reconceptualised for jungle, bush, and close terrain operations, validating Loomes’ insight.

Reimagining Load Carriage: A Soldier-Centred, Modular System

In December 1910, Loomes followed up with a second design submission: improved infantry and mounted infantry equipment to address the long-standing challenge of balancing soldier load, accessibility, and operational effectiveness. This system is compelling because of its technical design and thought, which were born from operational realities and adapted to New Zealand’s hybrid mounted-infantry character.

Loomes proposed a “heads and tails” ammunition pouch system capable of carrying 200 rounds of rifle ammunition—120 in the front, 80 in the rear. Unlike the British webbing designs of the time, which often created imbalance or restricted movement, Loomes’ design allowed soldiers to access ammunition from either end of each pouch. Rounds could be withdrawn in prone and standing positions without awkward adjustments. Once the front pouches were emptied, reserve pouches could be rotated forward, maintaining weight balance and ensuring the soldier remained combat-effective throughout prolonged engagements.[2]

This solution anticipated later 20th-century load-carrying principles—particularly modularity, distributed weight, and quick-access ammunition positioning. Loomes’ notes also specify that his design intentionally left the chest and upper arms unencumbered. This would have improved ventilation and mobility—vital in warm or uneven terrain—and eased firing in prone positions.

Just as important was the equipment’s versatility. Loomes’ harness could be configured for:

  • Light marching order (with minimal ammunition and essentials)
  • Full field service (including blanket, water bottle, greatcoat, and rations)
  • Mounted use (tailored to New Zealand’s mounted rifle units)

Loomes understood that mounted infantry—New Zealand’s dominant expeditionary force model at the time—required unobtrusive, stable, and balanced carriage. This was vital for the rider’s comfort and maintaining combat readiness while mounted. Unlike the clumsy Slade-Wallace or even early Mills webbing gear, which could interfere with movement on horseback, Loomes’ system was designed with the horse in mind.

His proposal was technically sound, cost-conscious, and straightforward to manufacture using leather or woven webbing. Though not accepted, the offer to supply working samples reflected his confidence in the design’s utility.

The Defence Reports of 1911 and 1912 offer valuable context here. The reorganisation of the New Zealand Military Forces was in full swing: the new Territorial system was replacing the old Volunteer model, a permanent instructional staff was being built, and procurement systems were beginning to prioritise local efficiency.[3] Yet, despite a growing awareness of the need for New Zealand-specific solutions, structural constraints—particularly reliance on British-standardised procurement—remained a barrier. The Quartermaster-General’s 1912 report notes that equipment tenders were focused on uniformity and scale, with mills’ pattern marching-order sets being bulk-ordered from the UK.[4]

In short, while Loomes’ system was conceptually ahead of its time, the institutional apparatus to support its adoption did not yet exist.

Innovation Ahead of Infrastructure

Though neither of Loomes’ designs entered service, their rejection reflected institutional inertia rather than any lack of merit. Britain retained tight control over military equipment standardisation, and New Zealand, then a Dominion with no significant defence manufacturing base, had little ability to produce its designs at scale. Loomes was ahead of his time: his submissions anticipated the kind of adaptations that would only become common decades later.

His submissions challenged the notion that innovation flowed from the metropole to the periphery. Loomes proved that original thought could emerge from within New Zealand’s institutions—even if the machinery to adopt it lagged.

A Precursor to Later Innovations: A Quiet Tradition of New Zealand Military Ingenuity

Charles Loomes was not alone in his efforts to design military equipment better suited to New Zealand’s conditions and constraints. While his 1910 submissions may be among the earliest formal proposals from within New Zealand’s defence establishment, they were by no means the last. His spirit of pragmatic, ground-up innovation reappeared throughout the 20th century in a series of unique, often overlooked, and sometimes extraordinary developments—each born of necessity, local ingenuity, and limited resources.

Among the most celebrated examples of New Zealand military innovation was the Roberts Travelling Kitchen, developed on the eve of the First World War by Captain W.G. Roberts of the New Zealand Army Service Corps. Designed in direct response to the challenges of feeding troops in dispersed, mobile operations, the Roberts Kitchen was a self-contained, horse-drawn field kitchen capable of preparing hot meals under austere and constantly shifting field conditions. Constructed with a robust metal chassis and mounted stoves, it could boil water, cook stews, or heat rations while on the move or in static positions without requiring a fixed base of operations. Its compact and modular layout allowed it to be easily deployed by small support teams, providing a dependable solution at a time when maintaining nutrition and morale was often as critical to battlefield effectiveness as ammunition and arms.

What set the Roberts Kitchen apart was not just its portability, but its simplicity, durability, and adaptability—qualities that earned it significant praise both within New Zealand and abroad. It was exported to Australia and trialled by the Australian Army, where it was quickly recognised for its practicality and efficiency. In theatres where standard British Army cookhouses were too bulky or unsuitable for forward areas, the Roberts Kitchen filled a critical gap. It supported mobile columns and supply echelons across difficult terrain and under variable weather, making it ideal for forces operating far from fixed infrastructure. Though mechanised and industrially mass-produced wartime kitchens would later overshadow it, the Roberts Travelling Kitchen stands as a pioneering achievement that anticipated modern mobile field catering and embodied the soldier-centred ethos of New Zealand’s approach to military logistics.[5]

Roberts 2a Oven (Travelling) for 250 Men. Archives New Zealand R22432833 Cookers – Field- Roberts travelling

Then came the New Zealand Battle Ration, one of the most straightforward and most successful examples of locally designed and manufactured military innovation explicitly tailored to the needs of New Zealand troops. Developed during the Second World War, the Battle Ration emerged in response to a growing awareness that the ration packs issued by Britain and the United States were ill-suited to the operational conditions of the Pacific theatre, where New Zealand soldiers were increasingly deployed.

New Zealand forces faced extreme humidity, dense jungle environments, and logistical constraints during campaigns in the Solomon Islands, New Caledonia, and other island chains. Standard British rations—often based on tinned meats, hard biscuits, and fatty components—were prone to spoilage, hard to digest in hot climates, and culturally misaligned with New Zealanders’ eating habits. Similarly, early U.S. C-Rations were heavy and included items with unfamiliar or unpalatable flavours. Soldiers frequently discarded parts of these rations, resulting in unnecessary waste and reduced nutritional intake.

In contrast, the New Zealand Battle Ration was designed from the ground up with science, environment, and soldier morale in mind. Drawing on nutritional research and advice from local food technologists and military dieticians, the ration incorporated lightweight, dehydrated components that could be quickly reconstituted with water. This made the ration more portable and shelf-stable and reduced the bulk of what troops had to carry on long patrols or amphibious movements.

Typical components included:

  • Compressed or dehydrated vegetables, often in powder or cube form;
  • High-calorie items such as chocolate, sweetened condensed milk powder, and dried fruit;
  • New Zealand-produced biscuits formulated to remain edible in heat and humidity;
  • Beef extract or bouillon tablets, providing both flavour and salts for hydration;
  • Tea and sugar, consistent with New Zealand soldiers’ dietary and morale preferences.

The result was a compact, nutritionally complete, and culturally familiar ration pack that troops could rely on. Its ease of carriage and reduced spoilage rates made it ideal for small-unit operations, reconnaissance patrols, and units cut off from resupply in remote jungle areas.

The Battle Ration was also locally produced, reducing dependency on vulnerable international supply chains. New Zealand manufacturers, working with the Defence Department and scientific institutions, were able to source, process, and package the components within the country. This had the dual benefit of supporting the national economy during wartime and ensuring higher quality control for frontline provisioning.

The Battle Rations’ success did not go unnoticed. It earned positive recognition from allied observers, particularly American nutritionists and quartermasters who saw in it a viable model for regional adaptation. In some cases, its components were studied as part of broader Allied efforts to improve ration systems in the Pacific, and small-scale adoption of similar food technologies followed.

More than a stopgap solution, the New Zealand Battle Ration represented a fully integrated, homegrown logistical system that placed the soldier’s lived experience at the centre of its design. It remains a landmark example of how a small nation, facing unique environmental and operational challenges, could outpace its larger allies in terms of applied military food science and practical innovation.[6]

But New Zealand’s ingenuity extended beyond food and field comforts.

In 1941, as global supply chains strained and frontline weapons were scarce, Philip Charlton devised the Charlton Automatic Rifle—a fully automatic conversion of obsolete bolt-action Lee–Metford and Lee–Enfield rifles. Intended as a stopgap substitute for the unavailable Bren and Lewis light machine guns, the Charlton was produced primarily for the New Zealand Home Guard. Its rugged construction, semi-automatic default operation, forward pistol grip and bipod (in the New Zealand model) made it an effective emergency solution.[7] Around 1,500 were produced; today, surviving examples are exceedingly rare, but they remain a testament to New Zealand’s wartime adaptation amid global resource shortages.

Charlton Automatic Rifle. 1941, New Zealand, by Charlton Motor Workshops. Gift of Mr Philip Charlton, 1965. CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Te Papa (DM000451/1-3)

Less successful, but no less revealing, was the Mitchell Machine Carbine, a prototype submachine gun developed by New Zealander Allen Mitchell and submitted for testing in Britain in 1943. Though ultimately rejected due to faults in the trigger mechanism, stock, and excessive barrel heating, the weapon represented an attempt to produce a cost-effective domestic submachine gun using local materials and simple blowback operation. A second, improved prototype was submitted in 1944 but was again declined. Only four Mitchell SMGs were ever built; all remain in New Zealand collections. Despite its flaws, the project underscored the determination to establish a sovereign capacity for weapons development, however limited.[8]

Perhaps the most striking and tragic example of New Zealand’s wartime ingenuity is the story of Colonel John Owen Kelsey and the Kelsey Swivel-Stock Rifle. Drawing from his extensive service as an ordnance and engineering officer during the Second World War, Kelsey developed a novel modification of the Sten submachine gun in the early 1950s. Rather than attempting a curved barrel like the German Krummlauf, Kelsey’s design allowed the weapon to be fired around corners via a swivel-stock and periscopic sight, enabling an operator to shoot while remaining in cover. The concept was tested successfully at Waiouru and forwarded to the War Office in London.[9]

Shooting around a corner from cover with he experimental Mk5 Sten “Swivel Butt Carbiner”. Courtesy MoD Pattern Room Library

Kelsey believed the design could be adapted to other weapons and took out international patents. However, he received no further response, and amid growing personal hardship, he died by suicide in 1954.[10] Though the design never progressed beyond a prototype, it serves as a sobering reminder of the often-overlooked costs of service and the post-war fate of veterans whose talents went underutilised.

Perhaps the most unusual case in New Zealand’s military innovation archive is that of Victor Penny, an Auckland bus mechanic and amateur radio enthusiast who, in the years before the Second World War, persuaded defence authorities that he could build a “death ray” capable of disabling enemy vehicles, aircraft, and electronics. Penny’s device, reportedly a directed electromagnetic energy weapon, earned him state support and near-total secrecy. He was relocated to Somes Island in Wellington Harbour—used during the war as an internment and quarantine facility—where a laboratory was constructed solely for his use. Though the project yielded no proven battlefield capability, it remains an intriguing episode in the country’s history of experimental defence projects and an indicator of how seriously New Zealand’s government once considered homegrown science and technology, even of the most speculative kind.[11]

Radio enthusiast Victor Penny was kept under guard on Matiu Somes Island in Wellington Harbour in 1935 as he worked on his mysterious invention.FILE / Dominion-Post

An Innovation Ethos Born of Need

What binds together the remarkable and diverse stories of Charles Loomes’ entrenching tool and load-carrying equipment, the Roberts Travelling Kitchen, the New Zealand Battle Ration, the Charlton automatic rifle, the Mitchell submachine gun, Victor Penny’s speculative “death ray,” and Colonel Kelsey’s swivel-stock rifle is not institutional power, budgetary scale, or industrial might. Instead, they emerged from a humbler yet uniquely resilient source: necessity—the mother of invention in a small, geographically isolated nation.

These were not the products of a formal military-industrial complex. They came from soldiers, field engineers, ordnance officers, public servants, hobbyists, and workshop innovators. Each worked from within or alongside New Zealand’s military system, often without formal research backing, institutional commissions, or manufacturing infrastructure. They responded to pressing operational needs, adapting or reinventing equipment that didn’t suit the environment or realities faced by New Zealand troops—whether in the South African veldt, the Italian alleys of WWII, the Pacific or the cold training grounds of Waiouru.

Despite the quality and relevance of these designs, many were either dismissed by imperial authorities or faded from memory in the post-war era, overshadowed by the need to adhere to British and later American standardisation. Yet many were contextually brilliant. The Roberts Kitchen and Battle Ration were internationally recognised. The Charlton rifle filled a vital gap in local defence. Kelsey’s adapted Sten gun may not have been adopted, but it represented forward-thinking soldier survivability in urban combat. Even Victor Penny’s electromagnetic weapon, though more speculative, illustrates the willingness of New Zealand’s authorities to explore radical ideas when the stakes were high.

Together, these stories reflect a recurring national pattern: when strategic isolation, global conflict, or supply chain fragility forced New Zealand to look inward, the country proved more than capable of producing its answers. Innovation in New Zealand has historically been less about prestige and more about practicality—a can-do, field-driven ingenuity that quietly delivered effective solutions under adverse conditions.

Charles Loomes, then, should not be seen as a lone innovator ahead of his time, but rather as the first in a long and under-recognised lineage. This lineage stretches from the trenches of South Africa and Gallipoli, through the fields of Italy, and into workshops, depots, and paddocks across the country. These innovators turned limitations into opportunities and ensured New Zealand could solve its military problems independently despite its small population and modest resources.

The legacy of this ethos remains deeply relevant today. New Zealand’s past offers historical insight and a blueprint for future resilience as the global security environment becomes more uncertain and supply chains more contested.


Notes

[1] From: Charles Loomes, Defence Stores Date: 1 August 1910 Subject: Entrenching tool invented by himself, asks that it be forwarded to Imperial, Archives New Zealand Item ID R24759083, (Wellington: New Zealand Archives, 1910).

[2] Charles Loomes, Wellington Date: 24 December 1910 Subject: Improved Equipment for use of Infantry and Mounted Infantry, Archives New Zealand Item ID R24759941, (Wellington: New Zealand Archives, 1910).

[3] “H-19 Defence Forces of New Zealand: Report of the General Officer Commanding the Forces for the period from 7th December 1910 to 27th July 1911,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives  (1 January 1911), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1911-I.2.4.2.30.

[4] “Defence Forces of New Zealand: Report of the General Officer Commanding the Forces for the period 28 July 1911 to 27th June 1912,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1912 Session II, H-19  (27 June 1912), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1912-II.2.4.2.37.

[5] “Cookers – Field- Roberts travelling,” Archives New Zealand Item No R22432833  (1915).

[6] “DSIR [Department of Scientific and Industrial Research] World War 2 Narratives. No. 10. Dehydrated Foods and Ration Packs. Copy No. 1,” Archives New Zealand Item No R1768268  (1948).

[7] M.E. Haskew, Rifles and Muskets: From 1450 to the present day (Amber Books Limited, 2017). https://books.google.co.nz/books?id=ZFoqDwAAQBAJ.

[8] J.D. Glover, The Mitchell sub-machine gun 1941-1944: a history (Lithographic Services, 1992).

[9] “Firing around corners,” Press, Volume LXXXIX, Issue 27083, 4 July 1953, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19530704.2.122.

[10] “Death of Gun Inventor,” Press, Volume XC, Issue 27321,, 10 April 1954, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19540410.2.122.

[11] D. Downs and J. Bridges, No. 8 Re-wired: 202 New Zealand Inventions That Changed the World: 202 New Zealand Inventions That Changed the World (Penguin Random House New Zealand, 2014).


No 2 Sub Depot -Palmerston North, 1942-45

The Palmerston North Showgrounds served as a military facility throughout the Second World War, hosting a succession of units across its wartime life. Its most famous occupants were the Māori Battalion, who conducted their initial assembly and training there, but the Showgrounds also accommodated the Manawatu Mounted Rifles, HQ 2 Brigade, HQ 4 Division, and 2 ASC Company. This article focuses on one of the Showgrounds’ lesser-known occupants — No 2 Sub Depot, NZAOC — which operated from the site between 1942 and December 1945, sustaining military units across the lower North Island during the most demanding years of the war.

The wartime NZAOC

During the Second World War, the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (NZAOC) efficiently organised its supply functions within the country. The central hub of this During the Second World War, the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps organised its home-service supply functions through the Main Ordnance Depot at Trentham, which oversaw a network of subordinate units positioned across the country. These included:

  • HQ Ammunition Section at Belmont
  • Ammunition Sections at Makomako and Waiouru
  • Bulk Stores at Linton and Mangere
  • Artillery Sub Depot at Waiouru
  • Inspection Ordnance Officer Section in the Central Military District, Palmerston North
  • Ammunition Repair Depot in Kuku Valley

Ordnance Sub Depots were also established in each military district:

  • Northern Military District — No 1 Sub Depot at Hopuhopu Military Camp
  • Central Military District — No 2 Sub Depot at the Palmerston North Showgrounds
  • Southern Military District — No 3 Sub Depot at Burnham Camp

(Note: Until 20 August 1942, these were known as District Ordnance Depots — Northern, Central, and Southern — before being redesignated as numbered Sub Depots.)

At the outbreak of war, the Northern and Southern District Ordnance Depots were well-established. The Northern Depot at Hopuhopu had been commissioned in 1927 as a purpose-built ordnance facility. The Southern Depot at Burnham, established in 1921, had been substantially upgraded in the early 1940s to meet wartime demands.

The position in the Central Military District was different. While records show a Palmerston North Ordnance Detachment during the First World War, there is limited evidence of a sustained ordnance presence in Palmerston North during the interwar years. In the interests of economy, logistical support to units in the lower North Island had been provided directly from Trentham.

Upon the mobilisation of the 2nd New Zealand Expeditionary Force, Home Defence Forces, and Territorial Forces, the need for a Central Districts depot became unavoidable. In early 1942, the Central Districts Ordnance Depot was established at the Palmerston North Showgrounds, with Lieutenant William Saul Keegan of the New Zealand Temporary Staff appointed as Ordnance Officer for the Central Military District and Officer Commanding the Palmerston North Detachment. His appointment took effect on 1 March 1942.

The Palmerston North Showgrounds

The choice of the Showgrounds as the depot’s location was well-considered. Situated on the block bounded by Featherston, Waldegrave, Pascal, and Cuba Streets, the site lay immediately adjacent to the Palmerston North Railway yards — then located in what is now the Railway Reserve on Pioneer Highway. This position gave the depot direct access to rail links connecting it to the Main Ordnance Depot at Trentham and to suppliers across the country, while road connections allowed distribution to subordinate units throughout the lower North Island.

The Showgrounds offered some of the largest covered spaces available in the region. Five interconnected exhibition halls under a single roof provided substantial storage capacity, with additional hardstanding available for vehicles and bulk defence stores. As other units arrived, facilities including cookhouses, dining halls, accommodation huts, tents, and ablutions were progressively established across the site.

In the early war years, military occupation was treated as a temporary arrangement and the Manawatu Agricultural and Pastoral Association retained partial use of the facility. As the threat from Japan became acute in late 1941, a decision was made to allocate the Showgrounds exclusively to the military for the duration of the conflict.

pnorth showgrounds 2
Palmerston North Showgrounds, Cuba Street, 1939. Palmerston North Libraries and Community Services



No 2 Sub Depot

Following redesignation on 20 August 1942, the Central Districts Ordnance Depot became No 2 Sub Depot. The depot occupied the Waldegrave Street side of the Showgrounds, with each of the five interconnected halls assigned to specific storage functions:

  • Hall 1: Clothing — boots, tunics, greatcoats, underwear, and related items
  • Hall 2: Tools, spare parts, and expendable stores — hardware, nails, wire, rope, paint, thinners, and linseed oil, in quantities that reputedly exceeded the combined stock of all merchants in Palmerston North
  • Hall 3: Camp fittings, crockery, cutlery, sheets, blankets, and household linens, numbered in the thousands
  • Halls 4 and 5: General Army equipment, including rifles and machine-guns

Flammable materials — paints, turpentine, and kerosene — were initially stored within the main buildings. In 1943 dedicated storage structures with concrete floors and iron walls and roofs were provided, reducing the fire risk within the halls.

Explosives and ammunition were also held at the Showgrounds until 1943, when the completion of the Makomako ammunition area allowed their transfer. With buildings frequently filled to capacity — stock sometimes stacked to the ceilings — two nightwatchmen were employed to provide security and act as a fire picket during nighttime hours. Fire safety was taken seriously: regular inspections were conducted in coordination with the Palmerston North Fire Brigade, and the depot maintained a stock of buckets, bucket pumps, hoses, and fire extinguishers. Flammable goods were stored between non-flammable items to create firebreaks. Despite this, the Brigade considered the measures sufficient and did not require an automatic alarm system to be installed — a decision that would have unforeseen consequences.

Beyond the Showgrounds, No 2 Sub Depot maintained overflow accommodation including Part Worn Clothing stores in Rangitikei and Church Streets, and engineer dumps at two Fielding locations.

By the end of December 1944, the total value of stock held at the depot was estimated at £1,100,000, equivalent to approximately NZ$90 million in current values.

Depot Establishment

When formally constituted on 17 August 1942, No 2 Sub Depot was established with a complement of three officers and 81 other ranks, organised across stores, clerical, and support functions.

17 Aug 1942

Owing to wartime manpower pressures, the posted strength of the depot never reached its full establishment. The competing demands of the 2nd NZEF and Home Defence Forces meant that units in New Zealand consistently operated with fewer personnel than authorised.

February 1943 — The Unit Photograph

By February 1943, the posted strength of No 2 Sub Depot stood at one officer and 66 other ranks. The group photograph taken on 8 February 1943 provides a remarkable record of the unit at this point in its development.

The photograph shows 64 personnel, with three further members recorded as absent. The complete roll therefore accounts for 67 personnel — one officer and 66 other ranks — precisely matching the posted strength for that month. The officer seated near the centre of the third row is Captain William Saul Keegan, Officer Commanding No 2 Sub Depot and Ordnance Officer for the Central Military District. Keegan had commanded the Palmerston North ordnance establishment since 1 March 1942 and remained central to its operation throughout the war.

The presence of two members of the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps — J. B. Chapman and M. J. Nix, identifiable in the third row — reflects the essential contribution made by women to the administrative and logistical work of the wartime ordnance organisation at a time when manpower shortages made their service indispensable.

Beyond recording names, the photograph captures the depot at an important stage in its development. No 2 Sub Depot had been formally constituted only six months earlier. From the Palmerston North Showgrounds, this comparatively small group was responsible for receiving, storing, and distributing an extensive range of clothing, equipment, tools, weapons, camp stores, and general supplies across the entire Central Military District. The photograph is not merely a record of individuals — it identifies the men and women whose daily work sustained military units throughout the lower North Island during one of the most demanding periods of the Second World War.

Back row, left to right:
Pte J. S. Carswell; Pte W. L. Wackrow; Pte M. G. Kensington; Pte F. Manning; Pte W. W. Mitchell; Pte J. W. Ridley; Pte J. Kearns; Pte C. L. Revell; Pte A. F. Picken; Pte C. B. Weeks; Pte E. F. Homer; Pte C. M. Harper; Pte E. A. Morgan; Pte J. H. Cope.

Second row, left to right:
Pte J. A. Alderson; L/Cpl D. A. Lloyd; L/Cpl D. T. Spring; Pte J. T. Bright; Pte K. K. Cutfield; Pte W. J. Welsh; Pte F. B. Spielman; Pte J. W. Marriott; Pte H. T. Guthrie; Pte K. M. Garner; Pte J. C. Pegden; Pte D. H. Looney; Pte W. A. Newlands; Pte J. J. Richardson; Pte C. Barr; Pte M. J. Curran; Pte J. E. McKinley; Pte D. W. McLennan.

Third row, left to right:
L/Cpl K. L. Collinson; Pte B. P. Trehey; WAAC J. B. Chapman; L/Cpl H. A. Reeves; L/Cpl K. W. Parker; L/Cpl M. A. Ongley; Sgt W. J. Carson; Sgt J. F. Fowlds; Captain W. S. Keegan; Sgt W. H. Jones; Sgt A. J. Fraser; L/Cpl A. McKinley; L/Cpl I. B. Smith; L/Cpl G. F. Hall; WAAC M. J. Nix; Pte W. M. Miller; L/Cpl W. H. Kempthorne.

Front row, left to right:
L/Cpl J. Rodgers; Pte L. G. Dovey; Pte O. W. Gillion; Pte L. H. Steele; Pte N. G. Donaldson; Pte J. E. A. Pouple; Pte F. E. Price; Pte H. K. Snell; Pte G. Edmonds; Pte P. W. Comber; Pte H. R. Childs; Pte W. E. Norris; Pte W. J. Broughton; L/Cpl L. S. Goss; Pte A. L. Harris.

Absent:
L/Cpl E. G. Kinzett; Pte J. T. Allen; Pte E. W. Clarke.

Expansion — October 1943 to February 1944

As wartime demand increased, the depot’s establishment grew. By 30 October 1943, it had risen to three officers and 95 other ranks, with a posted strength of two officers and 88 other ranks.

On 1 November 1943 the establishment was revised to three officers and 92 other ranks.

29 Feb 1944

By 29 February 1944, the posted strength stood at two officers and 83 other ranks.

5 April 1944 No2 Sub Depot

Unknown Military Unit 2
No 2 Ordnance Sub Depot. Group of soldiers – Elmar Studios, 459 Main Street, Palmerston North circa 1942 to circa 1945, No Known Restrictions

The Fire — 31 December 1944

On the evening of 31 December 1944, the superintendent of the Palmerston North Fire Brigade, Mr Milverton, was tracing faults in the city’s general fire alarm system. The fault led him to the Showgrounds, where he determined that vibrations from heavy motor traffic were causing false activations on the loop serving the site. As a temporary measure, he disconnected the Showgrounds loop from the alarm system, marked the alarm boxes as out of order, and informed the military authorities.

At approximately 9.30 pm, Sergeant W. C. Luffman, the Senior NCO of the Showgrounds guard, completed his patrol and found nothing unusual. During his next patrol at 10.30 pm, he discovered the cookhouse copper empty and red-hot, with the gas flame still burning beneath it and a piece of wall timber alight. Luffman turned off the gas, returned to the main gate, and with Private Wagstaff used a stirrup pump to extinguish the burning timber. After confirming the fire was out, Wagstaff filled the copper with cold water, checked the surrounding ironwork, confirmed it was cool, refilled the stirrup pump, and left it beside the copper as a precaution.

At 11.35 pm, Privates Wagstaff and Collins — the Ordnance night watchman — were directed to inspect the wall of the adjacent Ordnance Store, opposite where the earlier fire had occurred. Luffman returned to the kitchen, found everything in order, and returned to the guard house at approximately 11.55 pm.

Shortly before midnight, Luffman noticed a glow in the sky near the Ordnance Depot. He went immediately to the guard house telephone to call the Fire Brigade. There was no response — the Showgrounds alarm connection had been disconnected earlier that evening. Local residents had already spotted the fire and raised the alarm independently. Luffman heard the fire engines approaching before he could make contact.

On arrival, firefighters found the building adjoining the cookhouse — the Ordnance Store — fully alight, with flames breaking through the roof. Three motor engines attended. It was not until midday on New Year’s Day that the last embers were finally extinguished.

The row of six private dwellings on Waldegrave Street, which backed directly onto the Showgrounds, was saved, though it required substantial water to prevent the fire spreading to them. The A&P Association’s administrative offices were also preserved. Halls 1, 2, and 3 were destroyed. Halls 4 and 5 survived. It was, at that time, the largest fire the Palmerston North Fire Brigade had ever fought.

pnorth showgrounds
The aftermath of Dec 1944 Showground fire. Evening Post

Aftermath and Inquiry

An inquiry was conducted in March 1945 by Captain Keegan as the officer responsible for the depot. The estimated loss from the fire was £225,700, equivalent to approximately NZ$18.6 million in current values. Keegan noted that a significant portion of the stock had been salvaged, and that while substantial quantities of clothing and general stores were destroyed, the losses were not as catastrophic as the scale of the fire initially suggested.

One specific claim warrants attention. A belief has persisted in some accounts that the majority of Charlton automatic rifles held at Palmerston North were destroyed in the fire. The contemporary record does not support this. Keegan’s testimony to the inquiry does not identify Charlton rifles as a significant component of the fire losses, and the enduring claim appears to derive from later secondary accounts rather than from the inquiry itself.

Initial suspicion that the fire might have been set deliberately to conceal thefts from the depot was examined and dismissed. Keegan presented detailed accounting evidence showing that over the depot’s two years and nine months of operation, thefts and losses from all sources totalled only £627 — approximately NZ$52,000 in current values. During the same period, surpluses valued at £1,600 were identified, meaning the depot had actually over-accounted for stock rather than under-accounted. There was no financial motive consistent with deliberate arson.

Detective F. Quin of the New Zealand Police testified to extensive investigations into the fire’s cause. No evidence of sabotage, incendiary devices, or external interference was found. The individual who had left the cookhouse copper running unattended could not be identified.

The timing, though devastating in terms of materiel loss, was fortunate in one respect. By December 1944 the threat of invasion had passed, the Home Guard had been stood down, and the bulk of Territorial and Home Defence forces had been demobilised. The military capacity of the depot had already contracted from its wartime peak, and the loss of the stores had limited impact on ongoing operations.

Post War Reorganisation

No 2 Sub Depot continued operating from the Palmerston North Showgrounds following the fire, drawing on replacement stock and the surviving halls. Its functions were transferred to the Main Ordnance Depot at Trentham on 14 December 1945, marking the end of the Showgrounds’ wartime ordnance role.

The New Zealand Government had acquired land at Linton in October 1941 for a military camp, with the first units taking occupation in February 1942. The Main Ordnance Depot had established a satellite Bulk Store at Linton early in the camp’s life, operating independently of No 2 Sub Depot and serving the logistical needs of units based there.

Reestablishment at Linton

On 1 October 1946, the Linton Bulk Store was formally redesignated as No 2 Ordnance Depot. The new unit assumed responsibility for units stationed in the Linton area and also took on oversight of Main Ordnance Depot sub-units at Waiouru Camp.

Sept 1946 No2 Sub Depot

Over the following five decades, the depot at Linton continued as the enduring ordnance and logistics unit in the camp, undergoing a succession of redesignations as the Army’s structure evolved:

  • Central Districts Ordnance Depot: 1948–1968
  • 2 Central Ordnance Depot: 1968–1979
  • 2 Supply Company: 1979–1985
  • 5 Composite Supply Company: 1985–1990
  • 21 Field Supply Company: 1990–1996

Today the unit continues as 21 Supply Company within the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment — the longest-standing resident unit in Linton Camp, a distinction it has held continuously since 1942.

Copyright © Robert McKie 2017