Amid the tumultuous landscape of World War Two, a Mobile Bath Unit emerged as a contributor to the triumph of the 2nd New Zealand Division in the Middle East and Italy. Picture this: battle-weary troops, having endured weeks of relentless pursuit through deserts and muddy fields in pursuit of the enemy, suddenly find themselves in a surreal moment. Covered in grime and exhaustion, they are met by an extraordinary sight – a unit ready to offer them a hot shower and a complete change of clothing. This transformation is nothing short of miraculous, revitalising soldiers’ spirits amid the hardships of war. The impact on morale is so profound that one can surmise that, at times, the enemy may have deliberately targeted Bath units for elimination, recognising their pivotal role. This article provides historical context on the NZEF Mobile Bath unit, which operated from 1941 to 1945, spanning Egypt, Syria, and Italy. It sheds light on the unit’s vital role in the overall success of the 2nd New Zealand Division during this pivotal period of World War Two.
Following the British model, the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (NZEF) incorporated a Bath unit into its organisational structure and war establishment. This unfamiliar capability posed challenges to the NZEF leadership, as they lacked experience in this field. There was considerable uncertainty about whether this responsibility fell under Ordnance or the Medical Corps, leading to delays in forming this units. On 15 November 1940, confirmation was received from NZEF liaison staff in London that Bath services did indeed fall under Ordnance responsibility.
Discussions persisted throughout 1941 regarding establishing a Bath unit, with the primary issue being whether this unit should be formed, equipped, and trained in New Zealand before deployment to the Middle East or formed from within the existing structure of the NZEF. Despite these ongoing deliberations, the NZEF Order of Battle was updated on 17 April 1941 to include a Divisional Mobile Bath Unit as part of the NZEF.
Authorisation for the formation of these units under the New Zealand Ordnance Corps (NZOC) was granted on 31 August 1941, with the Mobile Bath unit scheduled for formation on 6 September 1941.
In September 1941, a unit twenty-one strong, consisting of one officer and twenty other ranks, was formed through a call for volunteers. Most of the personnel initially came from infantry units. The initial officer Commanding (OC) was 2nd Lieutenant Astly. On 16 September 1941, the unit was assembled at the Engineer and Ordnance Training Depot (E&OTD).
Following the unit’s formation, most personnel spent five days at the Helwan prisoner of war camp, familiarising themselves with a British-run Bath unit. Upon their return to their depot, they discovered that their equipment had not arrived, and it was uncertain whether such equipment was even in Egypt.
Courses on compass work and similar activities began but became tedious. It was at this point that the unit undertook a crucial task. In the day’s scorching heat, they manually laid approximately 2560 cubic feet of concrete and constructed the entire set of buildings that would house the 6th Division Workshops. This gruelling work lasted for about three months, during which pieces of the unit’s equipment were gradually acquired piecemeal from various Base Ordnance Depots (BODs).
In early 2 December, Lieutenant P. Hawkins assumed command. On 10 January 1942, the unit left Maadi camp for the Canal Zone, where they served alongside the NZ Division on the Great Bitter Lake. They also provided showers to Indian and British troops at Kabrit, Fayid, and other locations in the zone. Despite facing minor challenges, such as a four-day sandstorm, they accomplished valuable work. Two incidents stood out during this time: a raid on a nearby airfield by enemy planes and a fire that destroyed the Shaftes picture theatre.
Vehicle Tactical Sign, NZ Division Mobile Bath Unit (1941)
The NZ Division moved to Syria in February, and the bath unit followed on 13 March. Without their own transport, the Bath unit relied on other units, often unloading and camping in various locations on-route. They reached Baalbeck on 20 March and began working alongside the 27th Battalion machine gunners, performing several months of essential tasks, including laying concrete floors by a creek fed by historic springs.
Syria provided an interesting change from the Egyptian sands, with the unit’s OC arranging many fascinating day trips to cities like Beirut, Damascus, Aleppo, Tripoli, and even Turkey. When the Division was hastily recalled to Egypt, the unit returned on 20 June, calling at the small town of Zahlie for a few days, where they joined up with the mobile laundry. Leaving on 29 June for Kfar Vitkin in Palestine. And then making stops along the way before arriving back in Maadi Camp. In July, they reorganised and left for the western desert, beginning operations at Burg el Arab in August.
After nearly a month in Burg el Arab, their water supply was requisitioned for urgent needs, leading to their return to Maadi Camp. The unit was temporarily disbanded, with the disinfector returned to BOD to allow full credit to be extended to the New Zealand Government, effectively covering its entire cost. The bath equipment was retained as an asset of New Zealand and stored at the E&OTD, anticipating potential future deployment in other theatres of operation.
On 22 August 1942, eleven Other Ranks from the Bath Unit were transferred back to their respective depots. The formal disbandment of both the NZ Divisional Mobile Bath Unit occurred on 30 September 1942, with the OC and remaining Other Ranks of the bath unit transferred to other branches of the NZOC on the understanding that if the bath capabilities were to be regenerated, these men would be released to train and have the unit fully operational within a matter of days.
In September 1943, the Bath unit was reformed at Maadi as 1 NZ Mobile Bath Unit, with 2nd Lieutenant D. Ewing in charge. The personnel remained the same in number, including two members from the previous unit who provided valuable information. However, the shower did not function as expected.
In October 1943, the NZ Division and the newly formed 1 NZ Mobile Bath Unit conducted a covert move from Egypt to the southern regions of Italy. In late October, the flight personnel left Alexandria, with the unit Drivers and equipment departing Port Said for Italy. After some travel, they arrived near the Sangro River and commenced operations. Despite challenges, the unit improved its functioning, and on New Year’s Eve, they faced a heavy snowstorm that transformed their surroundings. Despite the adversity, they carried on with their work.
As the Division moved to the Fifth Army front, the unit went to Atessa and proceeded northwest, proving invaluable to the Mobile Laundry unit by towing heavy trailers. In November 1943, the NZ Division ADOS expressed the intention to streamline administration by placing the Mobile Bath Unit under the command of the Officer Commanding the Mobile Laundry Unit. This move aimed to achieve greater efficiency in the management of both units.
On 16 February 1944, the NZ Mobile Bath Unit was disbanded, and concurrently, the NZ Mobile Laundry Unit was rebranded as the NZ Mobile Laundry and Bath Unit (NZ Mob Laundry & Bath Unit).
This restructuring aligned the New Zealand organisation with the British Army War Establishment II/293/1 of December 1943, categorised as a Type B: Mobile Field Laundry and Bath Unit. The mobile bath component of the MLBU consisted of four independent shower sections, one attached to each brigade and one remaining with the laundry.
Water for showers was drawn from a stream or other suitable supply by an electric pump, heated in a locally designed boiler fired with oil and water, and passed into a shower room, a tent with duckboards laid out inside, where six showers were available. A larger tent forming a dressing room opened into the shower tent. The water supply was continuous, and men could use as much as they pleased, within reasonable limits, with the duration of showers determined by the number waiting to go through. The showers used two hundred gallons of water an hour, and each section could manage 500- 600 men daily.
Vehicle Tactical Sign 2 NZ Mobile Laundry and Bath Unit (1944)
The figures below show the number of men who received showers. In cases where the numbers are low or incomplete, this can be attributed to the lack of recorded data during the Division’s advance or during periods when sufficient shower facilities were available within the Divisional area, rendering the full-time operation of mobile units unnecessary. An example of this was when the Division was billeted around Trieste.
Throughout the Italian campaign, the NZ Mob Laundry & Bath Unit supported the NZ Division, often deploying detachments to provide frontline units with essential services. The unit continued its service until it was disbanded as part of the NZEF on 8 December 1945.
The Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (RNZAOC) has historically played a crucial role in ensuring the efficient supply and management of military logistics. Operating in an era far removed from today’s advanced technological landscape, the RNZAOC initially relied on manual processes for stores and inventory accounting. These methods, virtually unchanged since the 1860s, required handwritten vouchers, ledgers, and ledger cards to track all transactions. The process was time-consuming, highly labour-intensive, and prone to human error, requiring exceptional accuracy. As the demands of modern logistics increased, inefficiencies in RNZAOC accounting practices became a growing concern.
By the mid-20th century, military supply chains worldwide were beginning to embrace mechanisation and digitalisation to improve operational efficiency. Therefore, the transition to computerised supply accounting was a significant and necessary evolution, aligned with broader Defence modernisation efforts.
This article traces the RNZAOC’s journey from manual record-keeping to introducing electric accounting machines (EAMs) and eventually to fully integrated computer-based supply systems, revolutionising military logistics in New Zealand. It covers developments from 1964 to 1990 and details key milestones in military logistics automation.
Transition to the NATO Codification System and Evolution of Stores Accounting
Owing to the historical connections between the RNZAOC and the British Army, the RNZAOC initially employed the Vocabulary of Army Ordnance Stores (VAOS) system to categorise item part numbers. Nevertheless, as the relationship with the United States deepened, and more US equipment entered into service, a pivotal decision was made in 1968 to embrace the NATO Codification System. This transition replaced VAOS numbers with universally recognised NATO Stock Numbers (NSNs). NSNs are commonly associated with the United States Military as National Stock Numbers, which evolved from the Federal Stock Numbers developed during World War II. While the United States Government created the codification system, it has long been developed and augmented into a Global System by NATO.
Each Item of Supply is identified in the National Codification System by a unique 13-digit NSN. The NSN consists of three identifying parts:
A four-digit NATO Supply Classification (NSC), also known as “Group Class,” places an item into a group classification, such as generators or aircraft engines.
A Two-digit Nation Code (NC) identifying the country assigned the NATO Stock Number. Examples of NCs are:
00 and 01 – United States.
66 – Australia.
99 – United Kingdom.
98 – New Zealand.
A seven-digit Item Identification Number (IIN), together with the NZ, is unique to that item.
Example of pre 1972 New Zealand NSN using “NZ” instead of “98”. Robert McKie Collection
With the support of the United Kingdom, New Zealand gained admission to the NATO Codification community in 1969. Although the first official “98” NATO Stock Number (NSN) was assigned in December 1972, NSNs with the “NZ” prefix had been in active use as far back as 1964. With many items still in the supply system with VAOS codes, it took time to harmonise and align the two codification systems. However, by the close of the 1970s, NATO Stock Numbers had been fully integrated into the New Zealand Army supply infrastructure.
Example of pre 1972 New Zealand NSN using “NZ” instead of “98”. Robert McKie Collection
Simultaneously, as New Zealand transitioned into the NATO Codification community, and considering that a significant portion of RNZAOC activities centred around procurement, provisioning, and store’s accounting, steps were taken in 1964 to modernise the processes related to store’s accounting.
The store’s accounting practices within the RNZAOC had evolved from the initial systems established by the New Zealand Defence Stores Department in the 1860s and incorporated lessons learned since then. The cornerstone of these records was the ledger card. In 1980, many of the ledger cards utilised by the RNZAOC had their roots in the Royal Army Ordnance Corps (RAOC) Visidex system. The Visidex system, introduced by the RAOC in the late 1930s, was designed as a straightforward ledger card system to replace complex mechanical ledger posting systems that had proven unsatisfactory.[1] Initially implemented for wartime use within Ordnance Field Parks (OFPs), the Visidex system proved ideal due to its simplicity, requiring minimal staff training. Carbon-backed posting slips were used, enabling easy checks to be conducted. Each OFP section maintained a control office where all indents from units were received. The stock record was meticulously verified, the stock’s location within the OFP (where each truck served as a stock location) was identified, and the stock record was promptly updated. If the stock was available, it was immediately issued. When the stock was unavailable, it was recorded as “Dues Out,” and an indent was placed with the supporting Depot for replenishment, marked as “Dues In.”[2] Each truck within an OFP also maintained its stock records, reconciled with each issue, receipt, and stocktake. The robustness and simplicity of the Visidex system made it the primary field stores accounting system within the New Zealand Army, a role it continued to fulfil well into the 1990s. In the context of the 1980s, the RNZAOC stores accounting system consisted of eight different ledger card systems:
MD 310 Ledger card. Used by 1 Base Supply Battalion, 1, 2, 3, and 4 Supply Companies, and the New Zealand Advanced Ordnance Depot Provision, Control and Accounts (PC&A) Sections to manage Defence Inventory, less, Ammunition, Rations and Fuel and Articles in Use (AiU).
MD 324 Loan Record Card. Used by Quartermaster Stores to manage AIU items on long term loan (7 Days or more) to individuals.
MD 329 Record of Stores Supplied on Temporary Loan. Used by Quartermaster Stores to manage AIU items on short term (7 Days or less) loan to individuals.
AFNZ 150 Stock Record Card. Used by RNZAOC Workshops Stores section to manage repair parts, assemblies and workshop material to suit the particular requirements of their parent workshops.
AFNZ 169P Ammunition Account Card and AFNZ 171P Ammunition Lot/Data Card. Used by the Ammunition Provision Control and Accounts (APCA) section to manage serviceable and unserviceable ammunition.
AFNZ 28 Supplies and FOL Ledger. Used by RNZAOC Supply Platoons to manage Foodstuffs, Fuel, oil and lubricants.
AFNZ 162 Stock and Provision Record Card. Based on the Visidex card, the AFNZ162 was used by RNZAOC Field units to manage stock in operational environments.
AFNZ 161 Store Ledger Card. Used by RNZAOC Quartermaster Stores to manage AIU items in-store or on distribution under an MD502 Distribution Record.
Journey Towards Electronic Data Processing
The journey to replace stubby pencils and erasers began in 1964 with a feasibility study on introducing electronic data processing into store accounting within the Army. By September 1965, a machine accounting system had been designed for Army use. However, the Army was not working in isolation—this was part of a broader Defence-wide initiative to introduce computerised accounting, with the Navy and Air Force developing parallel systems tailored to their specific needs.
The new system was intended to utilise electric accounting machines (EAMs) at ordnance depots and major camps. These machines updated records and punched data onto paper tape for processing at the Defence EDP Centre. However, at this stage, Defence did not yet have a central computer, so an arrangement was made to use the Treasury’s IBM 650 computer.
Treasury’s IBM 650. National Library
EAMs had arithmetic capabilities and could generate simultaneous, error-free postings, records, registers, and paper tape. Their introduction was expected to significantly reduce the number of documents required, operate much faster than manual methods, and minimise audit queries.
Once the central computer processed the information produced by the EAMs, a timely and wide range of data became available, including:
Daily provisioning information.
Quicker identification of surpluses.
Continuous extraction of shortfalls and bonuses.
Status reports on demand, including requirement-resource comparisons over any desired range.
For the first time, the system aimed to provide a more accurate prediction of stock levels, enabling faster and more efficient service to units.
Phased Introduction of the System
From November 1965, the new system was to be introduced in four phases:
Phase 1 – Main Ordnance Depot at Trentham
Phase 2 – District Ordnance Depots
Phase 3 – Main Camps and Logistic Support Group (LSG) Units
Phase 4 – Other units, either through Camp machine installations or by direct computer input
During Phases 1 and 2, the EAMs were to function as a self-contained system with central control, which would commence fully in Phase 3.
Implementation Timeline
November 1965 – Machines, ledger cards, and machine operators delivered to the Main Ordnance Depot. Card raising begins with a new type of ledger card.
June 1966 – Planning begins at District Ordnance Depots.
October 1966 – Balances machined on ledger cards at the Main Ordnance Depot. Automatic accounting commences, and output is prepared for the computer.
Early 1967 – Planning commences at Main Camps and LSG units.
June 1967 – Automatic operations begin at District Ordnance Depots.
1968 – Units outside of main camps are integrated into the system.
Training of EAM Operators
Training of EAM Operators
EAM operators were to be known as Data Operators. The RNZAF conducted a twelve-week training course for data operators. By September 1965, the Army had two trained operators, with an additional four about to commence training.[3]
Early Progress
By June 1966, the overall design of the EAM system, reporting to a central computer installation, was well advanced. The target date for the Main Ordnance Depot (MOD) was now set a month ahead of the original schedule of October 1966. Army had 6 Data Processors, 5 at the MOD and one at CDOD at Linton,
Since November 1965, MOD data processors had been raising cards using Flexowriter machines, which also produced punched paper tape for computer input. The facilities at MOD had also been upgraded, with the machine room at Trentham completed and fitted with two NCR-33 accounting machines. Additionally, machine rooms were installed at Ngāruawāhia and Burnham, while a new facility at Linton was planned for completion in July 1966. Planning for machine rooms at Papakura and Waiouru had been finalised, but installation had not yet taken place.[4]
Proposals for a Defence computer installation were deferred in 1967, as the overall defence programming capability was weakened by the resignation of experienced staff who transferred to private industry. Initially, Defence policy aimed to advance computing in personnel, pay, and supply simultaneously. However, in 1967, priorities were reassessed, with supply taking precedence, followed by personnel and then pay.
The introduction of accounting machines at the Army’s Main Ordnance Depot (MOD) and the Navy’s and Air Force’s equivalent store depots meant that all three services were now operating with standard ledger cards and uniform procedures. This was a significant step forward toward a unified Defence supply system. Reliance on a mainframe computer continued, with the Treasury’s computer—now upgraded to an IBM 360—remaining in use.[5]
In July 1967, approval was granted for a Defence computer installation, and the rental of an International Computers and Tabulators (ICT) ICT-1902 was authorised for installation at the Defence EDP Division in Porirua. This necessitated Defence staff retraining and converting projects from the Treasury’s IBM 360 system to the new system. However, the priority of EDP work remained unchanged, with supply taking precedence, followed by personnel and finance.[6]
By September 1968, Defence’s ICT-1902 computer was fully operational, supporting standard Defence systems. The following supply systems were in production:
Stores Budgetary Control – Provided monthly reports by departmental expenditure code, detailing funds committed, paid, and outstanding for the Navy, Army, and Air Force. The system tracked approximately 400 vote code items and 90,000 stock lines.
Federal Stock – Recorded receipt, issue, consumption, and provisioning data for 78,000 line items of U.S.-supplied equipment. This record was expected to expand significantly with the acquisition of A-4K Skyhawks and increasing U.S.-supplied equipment for the Army.
Class A Stores – Tracked the location of all high-value and sensitive stores issued to Army units.
Vehicles – Maintained records of all vehicles by unit, including a catalogue detailing vehicle types and associated equipment, such as tyres.[7]
At this stage, the Air Force, with a relatively new fleet of American aircraft, took the lead in developing a Defence supply system. This system was envisioned to cover approximately 200,000 line items for the Air Force alone and would gradually be extended to the Navy and Army.[8]
1970–1990: Expansion and Modernisation
The Defence Force replaced the ICT-1902 mainframe with a more capable ICL 1903 mainframe in the early 1970s, which improved the capacity for handling Defence logistics. Some key supply systems introduced during this period included:
Stores Budgetary Control System – Monthly expenditure tracking for Army, Navy, and Air Force.
Federal Stock Control System – Managed 78,000 US-supplied military items, which was set to expand significantly with the acquisition of A-4K Skyhawks.
Class A Stores System – Tracked high-value and sensitive Army inventory.
Vehicle Fleet Management System – Monitored vehicle holdings, maintenance, and associated equipment.
By 1981, the NZDF’s computing capability had fallen behind contemporary industry standards. A major overhaul took place when the ICL mainframe was replaced with a Sperry UNIVAC 1100/60E mainframe.[9] Concurrently, a comprehensive data communications network was established, connecting major Defence locations to the computer at Porirua. This network featured 550 non-programmable (dumb) workstations across the defence infrastructure, each consisting of a keyboard and terminal.
The Sperry mainframe computer became fully operational by April 1982. However, as the S2 system was developed on an ICL 1903 computer, the conversion to the Sperry system proved difficult. The system suffered severe conversion problems with the programme, paving the way for implementing the Defence Supply System Retail (DSSR) project. The full implementation of DSSR was initially forecast for 1986/87. DSSR was conceived as a project to extend the mainframe’s technology to the depot and unit level, automating the functions conducted by the ICL system with minimal enhancements. The anticipated benefits of DSSR included:
A more responsive reporting facility.
An electronic data record in place of ledger cards.
Automatic production of vouchers.
Automatic updating of stock files.
An up-to-date central overview of the stock situation.
Automated production of statistics at both HQ and unit levels.
An instantaneous enquiry system at unit level.
Less dependence by units on higher Headquarters for stock information.
By 1983, RNZAF Base Auckland had implemented the DSSR system, with 1 Supply Company at Ngāruawāhia migrating their MD310s into the DSSR system. This concerted effort positioned 1 Sup Coy to input the ledger balances into the DSSR system once the necessary hardware, including terminals, keyboards, and printers, had been installed and the personnel of 1 Sup Coy had completed their training. These milestones were successfully achieved by late March 1984. As 1 Sup Coy went live, other RNZAOC units were cleansing their records in anticipation of integration into the DSSR system. The transition from the NCR Machines to DSSR was not seamless as the NCR machines were worn out and difficult to support by the vendor. Units such as NZAOD and 4 Sup Coy had by 1984 reverted to a manual accounting system. Although labour-intensive, manual accounting using the MD310 was found to be accurate, with stock figures held in PC&A Sections not too far out.[10]
DSSR represented just one of the computer applications employed by the RNZAOC. By 1988, the SPERRY Mainframe at Porirua supported additional applications alongside DSSR. Running on a third-generation programming language known as COBOL, the most well-known COBOL programs included:
POLI (Personnel On-line Inquiry).
AIRMAIL (Personnel On-line PON Input).
DSSR (Defence Supply Systems – Detail).
LOGIC (Logistics Inventory Control).
Finance Interrogation (RI) System.
Finance Expenditure (RS) System.
Finance Commitments (RC) System.
Another mainframe application utilised by the RNZAOC was the Maintaining, Preparing, Producing Executive Report (MAPPER) application. While it could be used for programming, it was resource-intensive, making it less favoured by computer production management staff. The RNZAOC, along with the RNZEME, were significant users of MAPPER, employing it for:
1 BSB Stock Location System.
Army Defect Reporting System (ADRS).
Army Equipment Management System (AEMS).
The New Zealand Army Scales and Documentation Centre (NZASDC) Scales and Entitlements System Was introduced in 1986, automating the production of equipment scaling documents. The NZASDC system was based on a PRIME computer and incorporated data and graphics. One of the selling points for introducing this system was that it allowed the staff of NZASDC to overcome an estimated backlog of 150 man-years. The budget for this system in 1985 was $0.579m (2023 $1,835,352).
By 1988, access to the Defence Integrated Database System (DIDS)was introduced, allowing for enquiries against all overseas provided identification and technical information. This gave item managers access to other nation’s sources of supply.
Since the mainframe provided access to only limited applications and little scope for general computer familiarisation, the first Sanyo microcomputers were introduced into Defence in 1981. These offered access to programs for word processing, spreadsheets, and database access to Defence units. 1988 Defence expanded its microcomputer capability with a tender for a new range of microcomputers based on the IBM/MS-DOS standard. The selected machine was the 16-bit Compaq Deskpro 286. By the end of 1988, the number of Compaqs owned by Defence was over 700, with 140 installed within Army units. Standard software packages selected for these microcomputers include the following:
WordStar 2000 Plus (Word-processor)
dBase III Plus (Database)
Lotus 1-2-3 (Spreadsheet)
SuperCalc4 (Spreadsheet)
FrameWork 2 (Integrated package)
SideKick (Desktop assistant)
The Defence Supply System Development (DSSD) project was initiated in 1986 as the second phase to replace the NCR accounting machines and ledger cards in stockholding units, with the first phase, DSSR, implemented during 1983/5. Both DSSR and DSSD were considered interim solutions due to the urgency dictated by the inability to support the NCR accounting machines beyond 1988.
The Defence Supply Redevelopment Project (DSRP) was launched in 1986 to find a lasting solution. The goal was to replace the temporary DSSR and DSSD systems while tackling persistent issues like repairable item management and performance measurement.
Resource limitations made it impractical to develop both projects (DSSD & DSRP) in parallel and wasteful to develop both as interim solutions. Analysis of the fundamental problems with the supply system identified during the first phase of DSSR pointed to DSSD as a reasonable, simple and achievable data integrity and management solution.
DSSD was confirmed in 1987 as the baseline supply system for later enhancement by DSRP. This has involved a change in scope to allow repair processing and retail functions with DSSD replacing DSSR with more comprehensive processing. On completion of DSSD, it was intended to have a stable on-line supply system in place, containing each of the essential features required of a supply accounting and replenishment system in basic form, allowing the New Zealand military to meet its operating requirements. The planned implementation phases for DSSD were:
Construct item identification records and complete depot purification by March 1988.
1 Base Supply Battalion (1BSB) trial and conversion by March 1989.
Enhance 1 BSB office facilities and convert Air and Navy depots by January 1990.
Retail prototypes by September 1990.
Enhanced retail facilities and complete conversion by January 1991.
Develop future DSRP modules such as performance measurement starting in 1990.
With DSSR rolled out to most RNZAOC Units by 1987. However, the DSSD development team encountered difficulties with the LINC development environment, delaying the pilot system rollout at 1BSB until late 1989.
To enhance field support capabilities, the RNZAOC initiated computer experimentation in 1988. A significant milestone occurred during the 1988 Force Maintenance Group (FMG) Annual Camp when a mainframe terminal was introduced to the 21 Supply Company, granting access to the DSSR. Another notable advancement at the FMG Annual Camp involved the trial of a computer-based Frequency of Issue (FOI) calculation system designed and coded using dBase III. This system drastically improved efficiency, enabling the Ration Platoon staff to complete forty-eight man-hours of work in just four hours. Following this success, the FOI program underwent a thorough evaluation by a Quality Review Team established by the Directorate of Ordnance Services (DOS). It was subsequently extensively redeveloped and renamed COMRAT.
During the 1989 Exercise Golden Fleece, mainframe terminals were strategically placed in the exercise area to support 21 Supply Company, the Ordnance Support Group (OSG), and Workshop Stores Sections. Additional general-purpose terminals were deployed at the New Zealand Force and FMG Headquarters. Strong data communication links were established to the Defence mainframe through Telecon data circuits and RNZSigs radio relay facilities.
Furthermore, COMRAT was tested and evaluated by RNZAOC units deployed on Exercise Golden Fleece in New Zealand and on Exercise Taiaha Tombak X in Malaysia, utilising hardware in the form of a ‘ruggedised’ GRiDCASE laptop or Hewlett-Packard Portable Vectra CS laptop. These innovative approaches aimed to validate the procedures and facilities required to support logistics elements deployed alongside operational forces. However, the outcomes of these experiments were diverse, showcasing both successes and challenges. While progress was evident, it became clear that the ultimate goal of achieving a fully deployable logistics solution remained a work in progress.
NZAOD Hewlett-Packard. Portable Vectra CS, 1989. Robert McKie Collection
Conclusion: A Transformational Shift in Military Logistics
The transition of the RNZAOC from manual, paper-based inventory management to computerised supply accounting between 1964 and 1990 was a significant milestone in New Zealand’s military logistics history. The slow adoption of Electric Accounting Machines (EAMs) in the 1960s evolved into a fully integrated digital system that modernised inventory tracking, procurement, and supply chain management.
By the early 1970s, the RNZAOC had established foundational digital processes, aligning with broader Defence Force initiatives to standardise logistics across the Army, Navy, and Air Force. Adopting mainframe computing, transitioning to the NATO Codification System, and implementing systems such as DSSR and DSSD demonstrated a commitment to efficiency, accuracy, and operational effectiveness.
Despite challenges—including evolving technology, delays in implementation, and the gradual phasing out of outdated systems—the RNZAOC emerged as a leader in military logistics modernisation. The advances during this period laid the groundwork for the more sophisticated supply chain management solutions of the 1990s and beyond.
Ultimately, the RNZAOC’s journey exemplifies the necessity of continuous innovation in military logistics. The evolution from handwritten ledgers to integrated digital systems was not just an administrative improvement—it was a fundamental shift that enhanced the Defence Force’s ability to sustain operations, respond to logistical demands, and support the modern warfighter.
This study of the RNZAOC’s supply accounting transformation is a testament to the adaptability of military logistics. It underscores the enduring importance of technological advancements in sustaining and supporting New Zealand’s armed forces. Further research into subsequent developments will help capture the full impact of these early digitalisation efforts on today’s Defence logistics systems.
Notes
[1] Brigadier A.H Fernyhough C.B.E. M.C, History of the Royal Army Ordnance Corps 1920-1945 (London: Royal Army Ordnance Corps, 1965), 213.
[2] P.H. Williams, War on Wheels: The Mechanisation of the British Army in the Second World War (History Press Limited, 2016), 73.
[3] Army 246/1/12 Introduction of Electronic Data Processing into Stores Accounting Systems-NZ Army Dates 30 Sept 1965. “Stores – Account for General Instructions,” Archives New Zealand Item No R17188987 (1964 – 1967).
[4] Defence EDP Division 38/4/3 EDP Stores Accounting Systems Dated 28 June 1966. “Stores – Account for General Instructions.”
[5] “H-4 Report of the Ministry of Defence for the year ending 31 March 1967,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives (31 March 1967 1967).
[6] “H-4 Report of the Ministry of Defence for the year ending 31 March 1968,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives (31 March 1968 1968).
[7] “H-4 Report of the Ministry of Defence for the year ending 31 March 1969,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives (31 March 1969 1969).
[8] “H-4 Report of the Ministry of Defence for the year ending 31 March 1970,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives (31 March 1970 1970).
[9] New Zealand. Parliament, Parliamentary Debates: House of Representatives (1983).
[10] Major J.S Bolton, A History of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (Trentham: RNZAOC, 1992).
In the early 1960s, the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (RNZAOC) found itself at a crossroads, facing the pressing need for a comprehensive trade structure and a well-defined progression model. This demand for change was catalysed by a series of far-reaching reforms that the 1960 National Government had set in motion. These reforms were not merely administrative adjustments but a profound recognition of the importance of maintaining a standing army that could swiftly adapt to regional conflicts, ensuring a flexible and credible force. This transformative era marked a significant departure from the established Division-based military structure. Instead, the focus shifted towards providing a brigade group. This move demanded a new approach to logistics, support, and readiness.
At the heart of this transformation was the RNZAOC, the primary military logistics organisation entrusted with the critical responsibilities of warehousing, ammunition support, and the meticulous repair of leather and textiles for the New Zealand Army. To effectively fulfil these responsibilities in the face of sweeping changes, the RNZAOC had to recalibrate its entire trade model. This article delves into the narrative of how the RNZAOC navigated these challenges, reshaping its trade structures and progression model to meet the evolving demands of the New Zealand Army, reshaping careers, and ultimately supporting the New Zealand Army as it became involved in the post-colonial cold war South East Asian conflicts of the late 1960s.
A clear trade structure would allow the RNZAOC to allocate its human resources efficiently, as each RNZAOC trade had specific skills and tasks. For instance, those in ammunition handling focus on the safe storage and distribution of ammunition, while leather and textile repair personnel concentrate on maintaining textiles and leather goods. This specialisation ensures that RNZAOC soldiers with the right skills were positioned and assigned to appropriate roles, optimising resource utilisation.
The revised RNZAOC trade model needed to provide a progression model with a clear career path for individuals within each trade. This was designed to incentivise RNZAOC soldiers to excel in their roles, knowing they could advance in their careers by meeting specific criteria, boosting morale and motivation, and leading to higher commitment and dedication among RNZAOC personnel.
The revised RNZAOC trade models also needed to provide standardised processes and procedures with clear expectations for how tasks should be carried out. Consistent practices reduce the likelihood of errors or inconsistencies, which is particularly important when handling ammunition and ensuring the quality of leather and textile repair.
Providing a safe work environment was paramount, especially when handling ammunition and maintaining military equipment, with any revised trade structure ensuring that individuals are appropriately trained in safety protocols and are experts in their specific tasks, reduces the risk of accidents and ensures the safety of personnel and assets.
All the RNZAOC Trades require skill and attention to detail. Any new trade model must include an aspect of Quality Assurance to maintain quality standards and workmanship, ensuring that stores, ammunition, repaired equipment, and textiles meet the required standards and are fit for military use.
The significance of reshaping the RNZAOC trade structure and progression model was to enhance its contribution to the New Zealand Army’s mission success. The RNZAOC’s capability to effectively store, manage, and upkeep crucial supplies and equipment directly impacted the readiness and efficiency of the New Zealand Army. A well-structured trade system would guarantee that these vital functions could be executed with precision, dependability, and safety, consequently bolstering the overall achievement of the New Zealand Army.
At the end of 1962, RNZAOC trades comprised the following:
Storeman/Clerk
Ammunition Technician.
Tailor
Footware Repairer
Clothing Repairer (RNZAOC and NZWRAC).
Factory Inspector Clothing.
Factory Examiner SAA.
Proof Assistant SAA (RNZAOC and NZWRAC).
Saddler and Harness Maker.
Textile Refitter.
In February 1963, the RNZAOC underwent a reorganisation of its trades. This restructuring involved the cancellation of the Clothing Repairer (RNZAOC, NZWRAC). Factory Inspector Clothing (RNZAOC), Factory Examiner SAA and Proof Assistant SAA (RNZAOC and NZWRAC) trades and restructure of the RNZAOC into five core trades:
Non-core trades not included in this review and refresh were:
Clerk All Arms. Responsible for personnel administrative and clerical tasks, including record-keeping, data management, and document preparation required to maintain RNZAOC units.
Storeman All Arms. Responsible for managing and maintaining articles in use, inventory and equipment required to maintain RNZAOC units
Trade tests were updated to align the Storeman/Clerk, Ammunition Technician and Leather and Textile Refitter trades with the new trade structures.
Storeman/Clerk
One Star
To qualify as a One Star Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC, a candidate had to:
Possess basic knowledge of store accounting, including the receipt, issue, and custody of stores.
Be familiar with the location and operation of first aid firefighting appliances in their workplace.
Know unit standing orders.
Have a basic understanding of the organisation and function of their unit.
Write legibly and spell correctly.
Perform simple arithmetic calculations and have a good knowledge of weights and measures.
Qualify for or be excused from attending an RF Basic All Arms Recruit Course.
Have basic knowledge of the organisation and duties in their office.
Interpret abbreviations and common terms used in their office.
Locate information from orders, files, manuals, etc., used in their office.
Amend manuals, publications, orders, and instructions in their office.
Take messages accurately over the telephone and relay information.
Have completed six months as a Basic Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC.
Qualify at an RF RNZAOC Corps Storeman/Clerk One Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Two Star
To qualify as a Two Star Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC, a candidate had to:
Complete 12 months as a Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC One Star.
Obtain 50% in English in School Certificate and pass in Mathematics in School Certificate or a higher examination or in the Army Education Certificate Class 1 or 2 or pass specific English and Mathematics papers in the trade test for Storeman All Arms Two Star.
Qualify at a Storeman/Clerk Two Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Three Star
To qualify as a Three Star Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC, a candidate had to:
Complete two years as a Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC Two Star.
Qualify at a Storeman/Clerk Three Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Four Star
To qualify as a Four Star Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC, a candidate had to:
Complete two years as a Storeman/Clerk RNZAOC Three Star.
Qualify at a Storeman/Clerk Four Star Course.
Be certified by their CO as capable of performing the duties of Chief Clerk or Chief Storeman and controlling, training, and directing Junior Storeman/Clerks.
Be recommended by their CO.
Ammunition Technician
The Ammunition Technician trade merged the Factory Examiner SAA (RNZAOC) and Proof Assistant SAA (RNZAOC, NZWRAC) into the existing Ammunition Technician (RNZAOC) trade established in 1960. Requirements for star classification in this trade were as follows:
One Star
To qualify as a One Star Ammunition Technician, a candidate had to:
Serve a minimum of six months as an Ammunition Technician Basic.
Qualify on specified courses.
Be recommended by their CO.
Two Star
To qualify as a Two Star Ammunition Technician, a candidate had to:
Complete at least two years of post-primary schooling or meet specific educational requirements.
Serve a minimum of fifteen months as an Ammunition Technician One Star.
Qualify at an Ammunition Technician Two Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Three Star
To qualify as a Three Star Ammunition Technician, a candidate had to:
Serve a minimum of twenty-seven months as an Ammunition Technician Two Star.
Qualify at an Ammunition Technician Three Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Four Star
To qualify as a Four Star Ammunition Technician, a candidate had to:
Serve a minimum of twenty-four months as an Ammunition Technician Three Star.
Qualify on the Ammunition Technician Four Star Course.
Be recommended by their CO.
Textile Refitter
The Saddler and Harness Maker (RNZAOC) and Textile Refitter (RNZAOC) trades merged into a new trade called Leather and Textile Refitter (RNZAOC). The star classification requirements for this trade were:
One Star
To qualify as a One Star Leather and Textile Refitter, a candidate must have been able to:
Make a wax thread and stitch leather neatly and securely with an awl and needle.
Undertake fine sewing in addition to sewing coarse canvas and darn neatly.
Use a sewing machine in a skilled manner.
Hand sew with palm and needle.
Identity, use, sharpen and take care of all the tools in saddlery and sailmakers trades.
Sew canvas and leather and fix rivets and dome fasteners.
Splice the rope and make the following –
Long splice.
Eye splice.
Back splice.
Make a wall and crown.
Double wall.
Common whipping.
Palm and needle whipping.
Make a buckle chafe with a leather loop.
Make a canvas seam and bind it with leather.
Undertake ordinary repairs to articles such as gun covers, sheets, blankets, flags, tentage and miscellaneous leather articles.
Be recommended by their CO.
Two Star
To qualify as a Two Star Leather and Textile Refitter, a candidate had to meet the One Star standards and additionally be able to:
Choose the most suitable leather and canvas for various classes of work and have a working knowledge of the classes of leather and textile materials used in the Service.
Undertake fine sewing in, leather and canvas.
Make simple types of cases and sheaths with square corners and straight edges under supervision. (No internal sewing).
Be competent in major repairs of gun covers, tentage, leather, and all waterproof goods.
Cut out and make trailer ‘canopies, signal flags, slide rule cases, butcher’s holsters, machete cases, and binocular cases skilfully.
Cut canvas and leather to .best advantage and a minimum of waste.
Be recommended by their CO.
Three Star
To qualify as a Three Star Leather and Textile Refitter, a candidate had to meet the Two Star standards and be able to:
Cut out and make up any leather or canvas job to specification without supervision.
Manufacture prototype of tentage, penthouse, dial sight case and holdalls with internal stitching.
Instruct others in their trade.
Have a good knowledge of canvas and leather used in the Services.
Pass a Written test in “Accounting in RNZAOC Workshops” as set out in DOS Procedures Instruction 1/C/4. This test will be set by or held at the RNZAOC School under DOS Instructions.
Be recommended by their CO.
Four Star
To qualify as a Four Star Leather and Textile Refitter, a candidate had to meet the Three Star standards, have served in the trade for at least five years, and be able to
Have a complete knowledge of canvas and leather used in the Service.
Accurately estimate quantities, time, labour and costs for major repair programmes involving bulk quantities of tentage and other stores required to be and capable of being repaired in their workshop.
Carry out in a thoroughly skilled and expeditious manner major inspection and repair programmes of tentage and other textile camp equipment items and conduct acceptance inspections against specifications for new stores purchased for the army.
Pass an oral test under DOS direction of their knowledge of factory procedure in manufacturing the army items that are frequently inspected in their workshop.
Design and draw up specifications for leather and textile items customarily dealt with by their trade.
Be recommended by their CO as –
A widely experienced, diligent and highly skilled tradesman.
Capable of instructing and supervising junior tradesmen, including journeymen, in all aspects of their trade.
The 1963 amendment to the RNZAOC trade structures was a critical step in adapting to the evolving needs and structure of the New Zealand Army. These reforms were driven by recognising the importance of maintaining Regular units to create a flexible and credible force capable of responding effectively to regional conflicts. The trade structure introduced in 1963 allowed the RNZAOC to efficiently allocate its resources, ensuring that personnel with the right skills were assigned to appropriate roles, optimising resource utilisation. Furthermore, the progression model provided a clear career path for individuals within each trade, motivating them to excel in their roles and contributing to higher commitment and dedication among RNZAOC personnel.
Ultimately, reshaping the RNZAOC trade structure and progression model aimed to enhance the organisation’s contribution to the New Zealand Army’s mission success. By efficiently storing, managing, and maintaining essential supplies and equipment, the RNZAOC played a crucial role in ensuring the readiness and effectiveness of the army. The detailed star classification criteria for each trade demonstrated the commitment to training, skill development, and the pursuit of excellence within the RNZAOC. These criteria served as a foundation for building a highly skilled and capable RNZAOC workforce to meet the demands of a rapidly changing military landscape.
In conclusion, the 1963 amendment to the RNZAOC trade structures was a vital response to the changing needs of the New Zealand Army. It streamlined the organisation’s operations and ensured that RNZAOC personnel were well-prepared, skilled, and committed to supporting the army’s mission success.
[1] “Regulations and standing orders – Army trades (NZP1-C),” Archives New Zealand No R9752752 (1959-1967).
James O’Sullivan (1855 – 1925) was a dedicated civil servant whose life story embodies the resilience and adaptability of a man who rose from humble beginnings in Ireland to become a key figure in New Zealand’s Military Logistics history. He witnessed history and was a driving force behind significant changes in the country’s military logistic infrastructure. This biography examines the life of James O’Sullivan, highlighting his contributions to the Defence Stores Department and his role in providing logistic support to New Zealand’s military forces during crucial periods of conflict.
Major James O;Sullivan, November 1911
Born in Ireland in 1855, James O’Sullivan’s early life was marked by modesty and determination. His journey began when he was an agricultural student in Ireland in 1876. However, the allure of New Zealand, often described as the fortunate Isles with their golden apples, captured his imagination. He abandoned his agriculture studies and set out for New Zealand.
He spent a year on the Wild West Coast searching for gold but eventually realised that the best gold mines were not in the ground but in the government buildings in Wellington. So, he crossed Cook Strait and secured a position in the Native Office under Thomas Lewis, Under-Secretary, and the Hon. Johnny Sheehan, the Native Minister.
Office work proved challenging for someone accustomed to outdoor life, prompting O’Sullivan to apply for a transfer to the Armed Constabulary (AC). Under the guidance of Sergeant Major Coleman (later Major), he quickly adapted and became a sharp trooper, training at the Mount Cook depot alongside many future New Zealand Military and Police luminaries.
Assigned to Opotiki in 1878, O’Sullivan’s posting was short as disputes with Māori in the Taranaki in 1879 led to the Opitiki garrison’s recall to Wellington for further training. Following a short training period, O’Sullivan and 100 AC men redeployed to New Plymouth on the Government Schooner rigged steamship SS Stella.
Trooper O’Sullivan enjoyed a fulfilling four-year stint in Taranaki, which reached its pinnacle with the successful capture of Te Whiti and Tohu during the morally questionable Parihaka campaign of 1881. While some of O’Sullivan’s fellow AC troopers, including the renowned Colonel Malone of Gallipoli fame, decided to take their discharge from the AC and settle in the Taranaki, O’Sullivan remained committed to his service in the AC, proceeding to Taupo, where new challenges awaited.
The journey to Taupo involved a five-day march after a redeployment by sea to Napier. Reflecting on this experience in 1916/17, O’Sullivan could not help but smile when comparing it to the march undertaken by the New Zealand Expeditionary Forces (NZEF) over the Rimutakas from Featherston to Trentham. He especially noted the stark contrast in the burdens carried by himself and his fellow AC men as they trudged from Napier to Taupo. In those days, there was no Army Service Corps to provide support. Each man had to shoulder the responsibility of carrying his Snider rifle and 100 rounds of ball cartridge, along with two blankets, a waterproof sheet, greatcoat, haversack, and a day’s ration consisting of four biscuits, a chunk of cold boiled mutton, and some tea and sugar. [2]
During the 1880s, New Zealand grappled with concerns about a potential Russian threat. During this era, O’Sullivan collaborated with fellow AC members to construct fortifications and install artillery in Auckland, Wellington, Lyttelton and Port Chalmers. This effort laid the essential groundwork for New Zealand’s coastal defence system. In 1885, Captain Sam Anderson, who led the Defence Stores, selected O’Sullivan to replace a retiring member of the clerical staff of the Defence Stores. Despite the expectations typically associated with a clerical role, O’Sullivan immediately immersed himself in hands-on store administration. In 1886, O’Sullivan took on the role of Quartermaster for the South Island Volunteer Camp in Oamaru. With this assignment, O’Sullivan began to build his military network, initially encountering Captain Alfred Robin, who would eventually rise to Major-General and Chief of the General Staff, and Heaton Rhodes, who would later serve as a Minister of Defence.[3]
During the subsequent decade, O’Sullivan honed his skills, and following Anderson’s passing in 1899, he stepped into the position of Acting Defence Storekeeper, a role that received official confirmation in November 1900.[4]
In 1889, O’Sullivan married Jessie Hunter Mouat in Wellington. Their union began a family that would grow over the years. In October of the same year, they welcomed their first daughter, Helena Grace. Subsequently, in April 1891, their second daughter, Moya Kathleen, was born. The family continued to expand with the birth of Jessie Madeline in October 1892, followed by the arrival of a son, William Eric, in October 1894. In October 1896, another son, Leo Desmond, joined the family. Finally, on 16 October 1899, the family celebrated the birth of their son James.
During O’Sullivan’s time as Defence Storekeeper, he managed the challenges posed by significant global and domestic conflicts, including the South African War, the 1913 waterfront strikes, and the First World War. O’Sullivan was pivotal in equipping contingents for these conflicts, supporting rifle club meetings and overseeing volunteer and Territorial Force camps. Furthermore, he led the modernisation and transformation of the Defence Stores, introducing new weapons and equipment into a resurgent and growing military force.
O’Sullivan’s dedication and exceptional performance caught the attention of Prime Minister Richard Seddon. In January 1907, he was appointed Director of Ordnance Stores and commissioned into the New Zealand militia as a Quartermaster with the rank of Honorary Captain.[5]
In December 1910, Major General Alexander Godley arrived in New Zealand to assume the position of Commandant of the New Zealand Military Forces with the support of a group of seconded British officers with the mandate to revitalise New Zealand’s military’s organisational and functional framework. As part of this effort, Lieutenant Colonel Knox from the British Army Service Corps (ASC) was seconded to be the Director of Supply and Transport in New Zealand to oversee the establishment of the New Zealand Army Service Corps (NZASC).[6] However, the Director of Equipment and Stores position, held by O’Sullivan, remained without a seconded British officer.
In January 1911, Colonel J.L Wheeler, Army Ordnance Department (retired), offered his services as the Director of Equipment and Stores. After thirty-four years as an Ordnance Officer in the British Army, he had recently retired in New Zealand. Having served in various ordnance roles, including an operational post as the Chief Ordnance Officer in China during the Boxer Rebellion, participating in the relief of the British legation at Peking, Wheeler was highly experienced “in the provision, control, issue and inspection of arms, ammunition, equipment and ordnance stores of every description”.[7]
On receiving Wheeler’s application, Godley was highly positive and applied to the Minister of Defence that Wheeler be appointed as the Director of Equipment and Stores, stating that
The work and responsibilities of the Department of Equipment and Ordnance Stores will be enormously increased under the new scheme. Not only will it be our chief spending Department, but it will also, from the nature of its business, be the department which will be subject to the most searching criticism on the part of those who will make it their business to call public attention to the economy or otherwise of our administration.[8]
Godley viewed O’Sullivan’s service as Director of Equipment and Stores thus far as commendable but harboured reservations about his suitability. Despite O’Sullivan’s experience, Godley believed he lacked the necessary military background to meet the demands of the military expansion. Additionally, Godley believed that a fresh start with an experienced officer devoid of local connections would benefit the Stores Department. In his recommendation for Wheeler’s appointment, Godley emphasised to the minister that this change would not necessitate additional funding, as only nine of the ten Imperial officers originally approved had been secured, and Wheeler’s appointment would serve as a substitute for the tenth officer.[9] Despite Godley’s endorsement of Wheeler as the Director of Equipment and Ordnance Stores, the appointment did not receive approval due to the absence of budget allocation. If approved, it could have reshaped the Defense Stores Department and its response to the events 1914.
Nevertheless, in September 1911, O’Sullivan was granted the rank of Honourary Major, a decision based on the recommendation of Major General Alexander Godley, despite his earlier initial reservations.[10]
On 22 October 1911, tragedy struck O’Sullivan when a devastating drowning accident occurred at Foxton Heads, resulting in the loss of eight lives, including his daughter Grace. While all the bodies, except those of Grace and two children, were promptly recovered, extensive search efforts by O’Sullivan and volunteers eventually resulted in the discovery of Grace’s body on Otaki Beach on 27 October.
As the military transformed from a Volunteer Force to a Citizen Army, it was identified that the current Regimental Quartermaster Sergeants lacked a range of skills related to equipment care, maintenance and accounting responsibility.[11] A course of action to create a professional Regimental Quartermaster Sergeant cadre was undertaken with thirty men selected from the various military districts to undertake three weeks of intensive training at the Defence Stores Department in Wellington.[12] With instruction conducted under a curriculum developed and supervised by O’Sullivan, experienced Defence Stores Department staff conducted practical and theoretical training, providing the New Zealand military with its first logistic-centric military training course.
“Staff of the Quarter-master General—men who passed as Quarter-master instructors and are being drafted to the various districts, Colourised by Rairty Colour
The 1913 waterfront dispute saw wharf workers take over the main ports and hinder trade. Prime Minister William Massey called for farmers and rural labourers to enlist as special constables to assist the small police force in regaining control of the wharves. In what was a covert military operation, most of the mounted and foot special constables in the capital were territorial soldiers drawn from the Wellington Mounted Rifle Brigade and the 5th (Wellington) Regiment. Colonel Andrew Russell commanded the mounted special constables with the foot special constables, known as the foot special police, under Major Rawdon St John Beere of the 5th (Wellington) Regiment.[13]
Organising accommodations and arranging the commissariat provisions for a thousand men and their horses for an indeterminate period is a significant challenge that requires careful planning, swift action, and a resourceful staff capable of anticipating every need. This responsibility fell upon the Defence Stores, led by O’Sullivan. Under his direction, every inch of space in the Defence Reserve on both sides of Buckle Street was utilised, with the garrison hall transformed into a sprawling boarding facility.[14]
In addition to supplying pistols, ammunition, and batons to the special constables, O’Sullivan also arranged for various small conveniences that the men greatly appreciated. Establishing a camp post office and telephone bureau was his initiative, and he also ensured the provision of daily weather reports so that many farmers among the special constables could stay informed about the weather in their respective districts. O’Sullivan and the staff of the Stores Department worked tirelessly, often getting only two or three hours of sleep out of every twenty-four, frequently labouring from 4 a.m. until midnight nearly every day.
The mobilisation of 1914 was the acid test of the reorganisations and re-equipment of New Zealand’s military forces that Sullivan had logistically facilitated since the South African war. New Zealand’s military was required to mobilise and dispatch an expeditionary force and provide the organisational structures to maintain a sustained reinforcement programme, coastal defence and Keypoint Security trooops. Supporting this tremendous effort was O’Sullivan and his Defence Stores.
As the NZEF finalised its preparations before the departure of the NZEF Main body transport ships, General Godley visited the Defence Stores on 24 September and thanked O’Sullivan and the Defence Stores Staff for their contribution to mounting the NZEF. The Dominion reported that,
In saying “au revoir” General Godley paid tribute to the work of the store staff under Major O’Sullivan in equipping the Expeditionary Forces. The complimentary remarks of General Godley were greatly appreciated by the store staff, whose work has been extremely arduous. But there is much recompense in appreciation when none is looked for in this time of stress.[15]
From the early days of the mobilisation, gossip circulated, questioning O’Sullivan’s integrity and the Defence Stores business practices. Some business community members expressed dissatisfaction with the past and present methods of the Defence Stores. Aware of such gossip as early as October 1914, Godley departed on 16 October and had been at sea for ten days before preparing a handwritten note to Colonel James Allen, the New Zealand Minister of Defence. Reacting to what could only be described as gossip, Godley’s note set in motion a series of events that questioned the integrity and performance of the Defence Stores and led to O’Sullivan’s removal as Director of Stores. Godley wrote that he had “heard a good deal of talk about the conduct of the Stores at Wellington and criticism of J O’Sullivan”, adding that the Coast Defence Commander had spoken to him about irregularities with the Defence Stores. Opening up to Allen, Godley aired his view that he had little doubt “that O’Sullivan and probably some of his subordinates are, like all Quartermasters and Storekeepers feathering their nests to a certain extent”. However, Godley balanced this statement by stating, “the equipping of this Force and the South African contingents, by O’Sullivan, was extremely well done”. Godley recommended that it was the right time for an entity such as the Public Service Commissioner to audit the Defence Stores as the store’s accounting system had grown to the stage where he was sure more checks were required. Godley concluded his note to Allen with a caveat that whatever the end state of the Audit, “the good work done by O’Sullivan and his Department should not be overlooked.”[16]
It was not until July 1915 that pressure from outside of the military forced Allen, under the Commission of Inquiry Act 1908, to have a Commission of Inquiry (COI) appointed by the governor-general to investigate the business methods adopted by the Defence Stores, in particular procedures related to the purchase of stores. Probing the Defence Store from July through to August, the Commission questioned over forty witnesses, including General Robin, O’Sullivan, key appointment holders in the Defence Stores and representatives of many businesses with relationships with the Defence Stores.
In discussing the Director of Stores position, the Commission correctly stated that this position was not clearly defined as the appointment had dual responsibility to both the Public Service Commission and the Minister of Defence. Robin clarified O’Sullivan’s situation in that,
Except for the interference by the Public Service Commissioner, he is filling the position under the designation of QMG3. This is the pith of the whole question. This dual control cannot tend to efficiency. If the control of the Public Service Commissioner is to continue all officials under the Public Service Commissioner should only be so as regards pay and advancement; in all other matters, they must be under the Commandant under regulations, Major 0’Sullivan is under military law as an Officer.[17]
Based on Robin’s replies and remarks, it is evident that the Defence Stores Commission investigation was not impartial and poorly conducted with a lack of depth, leading to the assumption that the commission members approached the investigation with preconceived ideas about O’Sullivan and the Defence Stores. Despite the points highlighted by the report that Robin easily rebutted, it is apparent that the Defence Stores had the military’s confidence. Robin reported to Allen in December on the Defence Stores Enquiry that,
It must be satisfactory to you to note that there is no real ground for the alarmist reports which last year, and during the early part of this year, were so freely circulated. [18]
Following Robin’s correspondence, Allen updated Godley with the news that the “Stores Department, about which there was an inquiry, has come fairly well out of it”.[19] It must be remembered that Godley’s private conversations and reaction to gossip, summarised in his correspondence to Allen in October 1914, helped fuel speculation about O’Sullivan.
1915 had not been kind to O’Sullivan, and after being found at no fault following the Stores Commission enquiry, he still faced a toxic relationship with the Board of Supply, a new organisation created to relieve the Defence Stores of provisioning responsibilities. The year’s strain affected O’Sullivan’s health, and he suffered two mental breakdowns, which forced him on an extended leave break from 18 October 1915 following an inspection of the Auckland Military District.[20] On hearing that O’Sullivan was to resume work early in January 1916, the Board of Supply reacted by sending the following message to Arthur Myers, the Minister of Munitions,
We understand that O’Sullivan has been instructed to resume duty on 4 January although his leave does not expire until 18th. Our opinion is that he should not be allowed to resume duty under any circumstances. The Board are of the opinion that his reinstatement would not be to the advantage of the department and would force the Board to seriously consider its position.[21]
This ultimatum placed the military in a difficult position. O’Sullivan’s long service and experience had been highly beneficial to the Defence establishment, and based on the Stores Commission report findings, there was no justification for his removal. This impasse continued until February, when negotiations between Robin and the Board agreed upon several initiatives agreeable to both parties, allowing progress forward. Robin proposed to the Board that an “Inspecting Quartermaster” post be created to provide the Commandant with an advisor on Military equipment specifications. This post was seen as necessary due to O’Sullivan’s long service. It allowed him to remain in the service for eighteen months until his planned retirement while moving him to a post amicable to the Board.
On 8 April 1916, Captain Thomas McCristell, the Trentham Camp Quartermaster, was formally appointed to O’Sullivan’s post as the redesignated Director of Equipment and Ordnance Stores and QMG3 with the honorary rank of Major.[22] Updating Godley, Allen reported that
Captain McCristell has been placed in 0’Sullivan’s position, the latter being made Inspector of 0rdnance Stores. I should think 0’Sullivan has been more enquired into than any other officer in the department, but nothing very detrimental has come out about him; however, it seemed to me to be wise, especially in view of the fact that the Supplies Board -which is under the control of the Hon. Mr Myers, was so determined about it, that he should give up his position as head of the Stores. I have every confidence that McCristell will do well there. [23]
Although Allen still held O’Sullivan in high regard, Godley’s response was less optimistic, and he made it clear that he did not hold O’Sullivan in the same esteem as Allen replying,
I am sorry, but not altogether surprised, to hear about 0’Sullivan. I think you know my feeling about him, which is that considering the class of man he is, and the opportunities he has had, one can only be astonished at his moderation. Ninety-nine out of a hundred in his position would have made a large fortune.[24]
Signalling the end of the Defence Stores Department era was the resignation of O’Sullivan in January 1917.[25] At his request, on 31 January 1918, O’Sullivan retired from active duty after nearly thirty-nine years of continuous service, sixteen years of which he was in charge of the Defence Stores. In what must have been a bittersweet decision, O’Sullivan had provided thirty-nine years of continuous service in the Defence Department, seventeen of which were the head of the Defence Stores. Joining the service as an Armed Constabulary Trooper sent into the field with only “his Snider and 100 rounds, two blankets, waterproof sheet, greatcoat and haversack”, O’Sullivan must have been satisfied that because of his contribution, the New Zealand soldier of 1917 (including two of his sons) was as well-equipped and supported as those in any other modern army.[26]
After retiring from the service, O’Sullivan established his residence on a farm near Huntly, where he lived until he passed away on Christmas Eve 1925. His widow and two sons, James and William, who worked alongside him on the Huntly farm, and two daughters, Mrs Kathleen Lawson and Jessie, survived him. During the war, his son William served as an Armourer Sergeant in the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps and achieved recognition as a prominent Wellington representative Rugby player. Regrettably, Lieutenant Desmond O’Sullivan, another son, tragically lost his life in the Great War.
Major O’Sullivan spent most of his working life in Wellington, where he actively participated as a member of the Hibernian Society and the Wellington Bowling Club. His funeral occurred in Wellington, and he was laid to rest next to his daughter Grace in Karori Cemetery.
Major James O’Sullivan’s life is a remarkable testament to resilience and adaptability. From humble beginnings in Ireland, his journey led him to New Zealand, where he played a pivotal role in shaping the country’s military logistics history. His dedication to the Defence Stores Department and his unwavering commitment to providing logistical support during critical periods of conflict showcased him as a dedicated civil servant. O’Sullivan’s career began in the Armed Constabulary, where he swiftly adapted to the demands of military life. His roles as Defence Stores clerk and later Defence Storekeeper highlighted his hands-on approach to store administration and his ability to build a robust military logistic network. His leadership in modernising the Defence Stores and introducing new equipment contributed significantly to New Zealand’s growing military capabilities. Despite facing personal tragedies, O’Sullivan continued to make substantial contributions. His creation of a professional Regimental Quartermaster Sergeant cadre and his pivotal role in managing the military logistics related to the 1913 waterfront dispute underscored his indispensable value to the military. When World War I erupted, O’Sullivan played a crucial part in equipping and supporting the forces. Unfortunately, he also endured controversy and unjust allegations, leading to his removal as Director of Equipment and Stores—a sombre end to an illustrious career.
While history has somewhat forgotten his contributions to New Zealand’s military logistics, this article aims to rekindle interest in O’Sullivan’s remarkable achievements.
[4] “Defence Storekeeper Appointed,” New Zealand Gazette No 98 p. 2154., 29 November 1900.
[5] “New Zealand Militia Honorary Officer appointed,” New Zealand Gazette No 45, 23 May 1907.
[6] Julia Millen, Salute to service: a history of the Royal New Zealand Corps of Transport and its predecessors, 1860-1996 (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1997, 1997), 42-49.
[7] “Colonel J L Wheeler A O D applies for position of Director of Equipment [ and ] Ordnance Stores,” Archives New Zealand Item ID R24763490 (Wellington) 1911.
[8] “Director of Equipment and Ordnance Stores – Proposals for appointment of,” Archives New Zealand Item ID R24763374 (Wellington) 1911.
[9] “Director of Equipment and Ordnance Stores – Proposals for appointment of.”
[10] “Appointments, Promotions, Transfers, Resignations and Retirement of Staff and Territorial Force Officers,” New Zealand Gazette No 74, 21 September 1911.
[13] John Crawford, “Overt and covert military involvement in the 1890 Maritime Strike and 1913 Waterfront Strike in New Zealand,” Labour History, no. 60 (1991).
[16] “Correspondence Major General Godley to James Allen 26 October 1914,” R22319698 – Ministerial Files – Correspondence with General Godley (1914).
[17] Wellington Defence Storekeeper, “Defence Store Commission (Commission of Inquiry re Defence Stores), July 1915 – September 1915,” Archives New Zealand Item No R3898696 (1915).
[18] Defence Storekeeper, “Defence Store Commission (Commission of Inquiry re Defence Stores), July 1915 – September 1915.”
[19] “Correspondence James Allen to Major General Godley 4 January,” R22319698 – Ministerial Files – Correspondence with General Godley (1916).
[20] “Reports Report on equipment etc. Auckland District Major O’Sullivan,” Archives New Zealand Item No R22432211 (1915).
[21] “Munitions and Supplies Board, August 1915 April 1921,” Archives New Zealand Item No R3898765 (1915-21).
[22] The officer selected to replace O’Sullivan was Lieutenant (Temporary Captain) Thomas McCristell. A professional soldier with a flair for administration, McCristell had been pre-war Adjutant to the 2nd Battalion, 17th (Ruahine) Regiment before being appointed as the Camp Quartermaster at Trentham Camp. “McCristell. Thomas James,” Personal File, Archives New Zealand (Wellington) 1914.
[23] “Correspondence James Allen to Major General Godley 13 April “, R22319698 – Ministerial Files – Correspondence with General Godley (1916).
[24] “Correspondence Major General Godley to James Allen 24 March,” R22319699 – Ministerial Files – Correspondence with General Godley (1916).
Captain Sam Cosgrave Anderson, a figure often overshadowed but undeniably significant in New Zealand’s military logistics history, came into this world in 1841, born to Frank Anderson and Margaret Cosgrove in Belfast, Ireland. Although details of Anderson’s formative years and education remain elusive, a pivotal juncture emerged in 1863 when he embarked on a journey that led him to the Colony of New Zealand. This marked the genesis of a path that would shape an illustrious career, leaving an indelible mark on New Zealand’s military logistics landscape.
Upon his arrival in New Zealand, Captain Anderson’s commitment to service saw him mustered into the ranks of No 7 Company, Waikato Militia, where he served for nineteen months across the Waikato and Thames districts. Following his stint in the militia, Anderson transitioned to the Commissariat Department in Auckland as a clerk. This seemingly modest role laid the bedrock for his subsequent contributions to New Zealand’s military logistical operations.[1]
Unfazed by the challenges of his era, Captain Anderson ventured to the West Coast Goldfields on an unsuccessful quest to find his fortune. By 1868, his journey led him to Wanganui, and on 25 October that year, he assumed the role of Clerk to the Militia Quartermaster at Patea. The journey of Captain Anderson continued to unfold as he accepted the position of Clerk in Wellington under the Defence Inspector of Stores, Lieutenant Colonel. Edward Gorton, on 27 April 1869.[2]
Captain Anderson’s ambition and dedication propelled him to seek a transfer from the Inspector of Stores office to become the Defence Storekeeper in July 1869. His subsequent elevation to the role of Armed Constabulary Storekeeper on 1 December 1869 marked a pivotal point in his career trajectory. This position, equivalent in grade and compensation to the Defence Storekeepers in Auckland, Whanganui, and Wellington, was stationed at the Mount Cook Barracks on Buckle Street, serving as the epicentre of New Zealand’s Armed Constabulary and Defence Forces.
A prominent figure under the jurisdiction of the Under Secretary of Defence, Captain Anderson assumed command of the Defence Stores on 18 May 1878 to 9 January 1877. [3] This phase of Anderson’s career was one of transition for the military as it evolved from a force focused on domestic defence to one oriented towards external security, which brought new challenges and responsibilities to Anderson’s purview.[4] Notably, over the next thirty years, he spearheaded the systematic reception and distribution of weaponry, overseeing the progression from Snider rifles and carbines to the introduction of the Martini-Henry Rifle in the 1890s.[5]
Captain Anderson’s indomitable spirit and commitment were exemplified in his involvement in the closing chapters of the New Zealand Wars. The Parihaka campaign of 1881 saw him participate in a government-led expedition to restore order and conclude a period of civil disobedience. While morally dubious, this campaign ended the dispute but left enduring emotional and social scars. Captain Anderson’s logistical prowess earned acclaim, particularly in providing provisions, transportation and accommodation for the Volunteers and Constabulary.[6]
Officers of the NZ Armed Constabulary at Parihaka. Back, left to right: Captains W E Gudgeon, H Morrison, Gordon, Taylor, Powell, Fortescue, S Newall and Major A Tuke. Front, left to right: Captains Baker and Anderson, Lieutenant-Colonel John Mackintosh Roberts, Captains Gilbert Mair, Henry William Northcroft, W B Messenger and Major F Y Goring. Cowan, James, 1870-1943 :Collection of photographs. Ref: 1/1-017952-G. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. /records/23057608
Officers of the NZ Armed Constabulary at Parihaka. Back, left to right: Captains W E Gudgeon, H Morrison, Gordon, Taylor, Powell, Fortescue, S Newall and Major A Tuke. Front, left to right: Captains Baker and Anderson, Lieutenant-Colonel John Mackintosh Roberts, Captains Gilbert Mair, Henry William Northcroft, W B Messenger and Major F Y Goring.
Captain Anderson was recommended for a commission for his exemplary efforts during the Parihaka campaign, culminating in his gazetting as a New Zealand Constabulary Quartermaster with the Rank of Captain in the New Zealand Militia in January 1882.[7] Simultaneously, he undertook the mantle of Quartermaster for the Permanent Militia, cementing his multifaceted contributions to the nation’s defence.[8]
Captain Anderson’s narrative transcends his military endeavours alone. A significant chapter unfolded with the birth of his son, Frank Lionel, on 9 February 1871 in Wellington. Frank Lionel’s arrival preceded his parents’ official marriage. It was the product of a relationship with Sarah Ann Fryson/Tyson née Gyde, which adds depth to Captain Anderson’s life story.
1872 Captain Anderson married Mary Ann White, a union that brought companionship and shared aspirations. However, life’s challenges were not far behind, and the passing of his wife on 12 September 1889 in Wellington marked a poignant moment of loss and reflection.
The evolution of the military demanded adaptive measures in logistics and management. In conjunction with Sergeant Majors Robert George Vinning Parker and Frederick Silver of the Permanent Artillery, Captain Anderson contributed to establishing a system of Artillery Stores Accounting that endured into the early 20th century, showcasing his willingness to embrace innovation and optimise resource utilisation.[9]
Despite the evolving landscape of military organisation, Captain Anderson’s role as Defence Storekeeper retained its essential structure. Delegating responsibilities to his chief Clerk, Thomas Henry Sewell, Anderson ensured the smooth operation of the Wellington Defence Stores while he focused on supporting the force on a national level.[10] Amidst economic downturns, changing armament, and a shifting military landscape, his steadfast leadership navigated challenges, fostering stability and readiness.
In 1893 the Commandant of the New Zealand Forces, Colonel Francis John Fox, commended Anderson stating that,
Captain Anderson is Storekeeper. This officer has a great deal of responsibility, keeps his stores in good order, and is thoroughly competent and to be relied on.[11]
Fox’s commendation in 1893 underscored Captain Anderson’s pivotal role as Storekeeper, a position demanding both reliability and competence. This acknowledgement resonated throughout his years of dedicated service, only interrupted by a three-month leave of absence prompted by medical advice in April 1899.
The eve of the 20th century heralded a significant test of Captain Anderson’s capabilities. With the outbreak of the South Africa war, the New Zealand Government committed a contingent to the Imperial forces. Urgent mobilisation necessitated rapid procurement and distribution of equipment and uniforms. Captain Anderson and his team worked tirelessly to meet the needs of the assembling contingent, showcasing their commitment to the nation’s defence.
Tragically, Captain Anderson’s life was cut short on 7 December 1899, succumbing to a brief illness believed to be attributed to the stress and extended work hours that characterised his dedication.[12] Captain Anderson found his final resting place alongside his wife at St. John’s Anglican Churchyard Cemetery in Johnsonville, Wellington.
His legacy is a testament to his service, leadership, and unwavering commitment to the nation’s defence, which until now has gone unrecognised. However, from now on, his story should influence and inspire future generations of New Zealand military logisticians, reflecting the epitome of selfless dedication to duty and the betterment of his country.
While not a comprehensive compilation, Gorton, in his role as Inspector of Stores, carried out inspections during the specified period at the following locations:
July 1870, Auckland
August 1870, Wanganui and Napier
December 1870, Wanganui and Auckland
April 1871, Christchurch
May 1871, Dunedin
June 1871, Auckland, Tauranga, Thames
Mount Albert Powder Magazine
In February of 1871, newspapers carried reports about a rumour circulating regarding the arrest of an individual suspected of attempting to ignite the powder magazine at Albert Barracks. These allegations’ accuracy remained uncertain, spurring a call to implement strict measures to safeguard the magazine from potential incidents. Interestingly, changes had occurred after the British Garrison’s departure; formerly, not even a lit pipe or cigar would have been permitted past the vigilant sentry at the gates. However, the entry regulations had since been relaxed, even allowing for firing rockets within the Barrack-square on multiple occasions. This alteration raised concerns about the decline in vigilance.[4]
Adding to the discomfort was the realisation that the amount of powder stored within the Albert Barrack magazine exceeded the quantity recorded in official documents. The concern stemmed from the potential for an explosion capable of causing catastrophic damage to Auckland, resulting in the loss of numerous lives across a wide area. Given the magazine’s central location within a densely populated city, urgent appeals were directed towards the authorities, urging them to exercise the utmost caution and explore the possibility of relocating the magazine to a safer site.. Satisfyin the demand of the local population, an announcement was made in March that the Powder Magazine was to be transferred from Albert Barrack to Mount Eden.[5] In May of 1871, the process of soliciting bids for the construction of a powder magazine at Mount Eden was initiated.[6]
Rifle Sights
After a thorough inspection of a batch of rifles by the armourers revealed unauthorised modifications to the sights, Gorton issued a directive in November 1870. This directive brought attention to the fact that specific rifles had been subject to unauthorised alterations to their back sights. Gorton’s instruction explicitly stated that any rifles found to have been altered should be immediately returned to the stores. Additionally, he warned that volunteers using the modified rifles during Government prize competitions would be disqualified.
Iron Sand Experiments
Armorurer and Artificer Edward Metcalf Smith had amassed several years of experience in the iron industry before commencing a gunsmith apprenticeship at the Royal Small Arms factories in London and Enfield, followed by a tenure at the Royal Arsenal in Woolwich. Arriving in New Zealand in 1861 as the Garrison Armorer, he progressed to the role of armourer for the Taranaki Militia and Taranaki Rifle Volunteers in 1864. While in Taranaki, he developed a keen interest in establishing a viable iron industry using Taranaki iron sands.[7]
By 1871, Smith had relocated to Wellington, assuming the position of Defence Armourer. Leveraging the resources of the Armourers shop, he persisted in refining his iron sand smelting process through experimentation and innovation.[8]
Notes
[1] District Sub Storekeepers roles encompassed dual responsibilities. These holders often held other functions, such as Militia Drill Instructors or Sub Storekeepers for the Public Works Department. In certain instances, Armed Constabulary Sub-Storekeepers also undertook the role of District Sub Storekeepers.
[2] Inspector of Stores Edward Gorton, Reporting on system of Store Accounts and with returns of Arms Ordnance Ammunition ans various Stores, Archives New Zealand Item ID R24174887, (Wellington: New Zealand Archives, 17 August, 1870).
[3] Edward Gorton, Reporting on system of Store Accounts and with returns of Arms Ordnance Ammunition ans various Stores.
Units of the New Zealand Army must maintain a diary in which all matters connected with the unit are concisely but clearly recorded. Using Army Form New Zealand 144 (AFNZ 144), a unit provides a daily account of the unit’s activities, with entries providing the location and a brief description of the key events. Entries can be listed merely as” Ordinary Routine”, with others providing a more detailed account of the unit’s activities.
The following transcripts of the RNZAOC School have been copied from the original typed and handwritten AFNZ144 sheets. Much of the original wording has been retained, but most abbreviated words and phrases have been included in full to improve readability. Phpt
Upper Hutt City Library (29th Jan 2020). Trentham Camp; Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps School sign.. In Website Upper Hutt City Library. Retrieved 14th Jul 2020 11:51, from https://uhcl.recollect.co.nz/nodes/view/1335
7 January 1985
SSgt Wayne Little posted as W02 Clerk Stores to Ordnance Directorate. He was promoted to W02 on posting.
10 January 1985
Course 11.28 Junior Supplier Marched In. Duration 10 January – 26 February 85. 14 students arrived. 2 of these were returned to unit after failing the Critical Performance Test.
14 January 1985
Maj Bolton began the Grade II Staff and Tactics Course at the Tactical School.
LCpl Marsh attended Pre-Course coaching for the Junior NCO Course at 4 Composite Squadron. Duration 14-19 Jan 85.
Course 11.26A Blinds Disposal Course Marched In. This was run for 3 Task Force personnel. Duration 15 – 18 Jan 85.
Sgt Wayne Bray arrived on Tour of Duty to the School to assist with the Blinds Disposal Course
20 January 1985
Lcpl Marsh attended the Mercedes Benz 8-tonne Familiarisation Course run by 10 Transport Squadron. Duration 20 – 25 Jan 85.
21 January 1985
Course 11.26B Blinds Disposal Marched In. This was the second of 2 courses run for 3 Task Force personnel. Duration 22 – 25 Jan 85.
28 January 1985
Sgt Bray was posted as an Instructor to Ammo Wing, RNZAOC School. He was promoted to Temporary SSgt on Posting.
LCpl Marsh commenced the Junior NCO promotion course.
31 January 1985
LCpl Marsh was ‘returned to unit’ from the Junior NCO promotion course.
1 April 1985
W02 Steed, Ssgt Armstrong, Ssgt Lush, Lcpl B. Marsh and Cpl Cole attended a 16mm Projectionist Course at the Education Section at Trentham Camp during 1-3 Apr 85.
Course 11.10 RF TF All Arms Blinds Disposal marched in. Duration 1-4 A r 85. 8 personnel qualified.
1 -2 April 1985
A series of one day Defence Supply System Retail (DSSR) Initial Training Courses were held during 1-12 Apr 85. A total of 56 military and civilian received this training (7 per course)
9 April 1985
Course 11.11 RF TF All Arms Blinds Disposal marched in. Duration 9-12 Apr 85. 8 personnel qualified.
15 April 1985
Major Bolton returned from leave after attending the Grade II Course.
Course 11. 12 RF /TF All Arms Blinds Disposal marched in Duration 16-19 Aor 85, 8 personnel qualified.
16 April 1985
Course 11.15 DSSR Conversion was held during 15-19 Apr 85. 6 students attended (4 military and 2 civilians).
22 April 1985
Course 11.16 DSSR Conversion was held during 22-26 Apr 85. 7 students attended. (5 military and 2 civilians).
29 April 1985
Warrant Officer Class Two Bill Steel arrived at the School on posting as a Supply Instructor.
Course 11.17 DSSR Initial Training Course marched in. Duration 29/30 Apr 85. 6 students attended (3 military and 3 civilian).
1-3 May 1985
An RNZAOC Head of Corps Conference was held at the School.
2-3 May 1985
A General Service Vehicle Familiarisation Course for the V8 Landrover was conducted for Military Police School and RNZAOC School staff. The newly appointed Camp RSM W01 Tiriwi acted as the senior instructor for this course. W02 Ryan, W02 Morrison, SSgt Armstrong and Lcpl Marsh attended. All qualified.
2-3 May 1985
Course 11.18 DSSR Initial Training was conducted. Four military personnel attended~
Course 11.19 DSSR Unit Systems Controller/Unit Systems Operator was conducted.Six· military and two civilian personnel attended.
6 May 1985
Course 11,21 Senior Ammunition Technician Band 5 marched in. Cpl Cole, Cple Cotter and Cpl Short attended.
10 May 1985
Course 11.14 Foodstuff/POL Accounting and Storage marched out. Five students attended and qualified.
15 May 1985
W01 Thorn, the School Sergeant Major (SSM) was discharged from the Army after 20 years service.
16 May 1985
Wo2 Mike Steed assumed the appointment of SSM
20 May 1985
Capt John Green arrived on posting to assume the appointment of Senior Instructor(Supply)
20-24 May 1985
The Senior Ammunition Technician Course carried out the Demolition Phase of their course at Waiouru.
23 May 1985
WO2 Steed commenced the Accounting Officers Course at the School of Army Administration. Duration 23 May -18 June 85.
25 May 1985
Captain Edwards was posted to SMSO at Defence Headquarters.
27-31 May 1985
Course 11.22 DSSR Conversion was conducted. Six military and two civilian personnel attended.
The Senior Ammunition Technician Course carried out the Repair, Inspection and Maintenance (RIMO) Phase at 3 Supply Company
2 July 1985
12 students marched in to attend course 11.26 RNZAOC Senior Supplier, duration 2 July – 14 August 1985. Our Transport NCO LCpl Brian Marsh was among the students.
8-9 July 1985
The Camp RSM conducted a V8 Land Rover familiarisation course for school staff. Among the students were Major Bolton, WO1 Steed, SSgt Bray and SSgt Lush. All qualified.
10-11 July 1985
A second VB Land Rover familiarisation course was conducted by the Camp RSM. The students were Capt Green, SSgt Driver, Sgt Hodgetts, Cpl (W) Tuhoro and Cpl Cole.
13 July 1985
School staff celebrated the RNZAOC Corps day at a dinner held at Claridges Cabaret
14-17 July 1985
Maj Bolton, Capt Green, WO1 Steed, WO2 Ryan, WO2 Steel, WO2 Morrison and SSgt Bray travelled to Sylvia Park to uplift 4 Unimog trucks on issue to the school. The Camp RSM accompanied them and conducted Unimog training during the period. All qualified as Unimog drivers
16 July 1985
Cpl Bruce Cole proceeded to Fiji as part of a training team to conduct a Blinds Disposal and Ammunition Storage Courses for the Fijian Forces. He was promoted to Acting Sergeant for the duration of his tour of duty – 16 Jul – 8 Aug 85.
21 July 1985
SSqt Driver departed for the Cook Islands to take part in Operation Raratonga.This is the New Zealand Arrnv’s support to a series of South Pacific Forums, conferences and games. Steve was employed as Rations Commander.
22 -26 July 1985
Major Thomson, the Chief Ammunition Technical Officer (CATO) and his staff ran Course 11.28 Tri-Service Improvised Explosives Devices (IED) course at the School. SA total of 7 Army students attended. This included the Chief Instructor, Major Bolton and from the Ammunition Wing W02 _Morrison and SSgt Bray.
12 – 23 August 1985
RNZAOC RF Officers Promotion Captain – Major Course Conducted.
RNZAOC RF Officers Promotion Captain – Major Course. Robert McKie Collection
Major Bolton attended a Potential Officer Selection Board at Waiouru as an observer.
23 September 1985
Course 11.34A Petroleum Operators Phase One marched in (12 students).
27-29 September 1985
The Petroleum Operators Course moved to Linton to attend a 21 Supply Company Fire Fighting training weekend.
29 September 1985
The Petroleum Operators Course moved from Linton to Helwan to attend the Field Phase
30 September 1985
A Police Improvised Explosive Device Course which the School ran commenced at the Porirua Police College.
7-11 October 1985
Course 11.37 RNZAOC Advanced Supply Manager was attended by eight personnel.
RNZAOC Advanced Supply Managers Course 11.37. Robert McKie Collection
WO1 Mike Steed and SSgt Wayne Bray attended a Mess/Club Procedures Course run by the Education Winq. The Ammunition Classroom was used for this course.
8 October 1985
Course 11.34 Supply Managers Marched out. 10 failed the whole course, 3 failed one phase only and 3 qualified.
RNZAOC Supply Managers Course 11.34. Robert McKie Collection
8-10 October 1985
Course 11.37A Defence Supply System Retail Officer Familiarisation was attended by eight RNZAOC Officers.
9-13 October 1985
Capt John Green attended Exercise Hunua Pass
14 October 1985
Sgt Bob Hodqetts attended a Terminal Users Course held at EDP, Porirua.
15 October 1985
Course 11.38 Junior Supplier marched in. Duration 15 Oct 85 – 5 Dec 85. 16 students.
15-17 October 1985
An RNZAOC Warrant Officer Seminar was held at the school. This was attended by 22 Warrant Officers.
RNZAOC Warrant Officer Seminar 1985. Robert McKie Collection
21-25 October 1985
Auto Parts Coaching Stages One and Two was conducted at the School using Petone Technical Institute and Army lectures. Attendance: Stage One (6) and Stage Two (1)
Auto Parts Coaching Stages One and Two. Robert McKie Collection
21 October 1985
SSgt Ron Armstrong was awarded the Long Service and Good Conduct Medal.
23 October 1985
The Petroleum Operator Phase One Course returned from the Field Phase at Helwan, Waiouru.
25 October 1985
Course 11.34A Petroleum Operators Phase One marched out. Ten completed and qualified on the. course. Pte Kereama, a Territorial Force soldier, took his discharge from the Special Service List and did not complete the course.
RNZAOC Petroleum Operators Phase One 11.34A. Robert McKie Collection
November 1985
RNZAOC School Staff, November 1985. Robert McKie Collection
4-8 November 1985
Course 11.43 RNZAOC RF OR Auto Parts Stage One was attended by 4 Automotive Parts Apprentices.
Course 11.43 RNZAOC RF OR Auto Parts Stage One. Robert McKie Collection
4-15 November 1985
Lc pl Brian Marsh attended an M113/ Scorpion tank drivers course held at the School of Armour at Waiouru.
4-22 November 1985
Course 11.40 RNZAOC Officer/SNCO Management was attended by 12 students. This included the following Mutual Aid Programme (MAP) students – Sgt Aba Latid Biu Kadir (Malaysia), CWO R. Monokakalu (Papua New Guinea), Lt A.B. Halim Bin Muhamad (Malaysia) and Lt Ibrahim Bin Osman (Malaysia).
RNZAOC Officer/SNCO Management Course 11.40. Robert McKie Collection
6 November 1985
The Army Dress Committee endorsed wearing an Armlet by RNZAOC School instructors.
11 November 1985
SSgt Wayne Bray departed for Tonga. Wayne’s expertise was required for the demolition of ammunition in support of the Tongan Army Annual Camp.
22 November 1985
Cpl Bruce Cole. was · discharged from the Army. Bruce departed from the ammunition world to take up employment as a building inspector with the Wellington City Council.
27-29 November 1985
Course 11.42A RNZAOC Young Officers EDP utilities was attended by 8 RNZAOC Young Officers. WO2 McCulloch RNZAC, the Admin WO from 1 Base Supply Battalion also attended.
29 November 1985
LCpl Paul Gleeson was posted as an instructor to the Ammunition Wing of the school. Paul was sent on a Tour of Duty to Kauri Point.
2-5 December 1985
W02 Frank Ryan visited all RNZAOC DSSR Computer terminals around New Zealand to photograph the layouts.
5 December 1985
Course 11.38 RNZAOC RF OR Junior Supplier marched out. 15 of the 16 students who completed the course qualified. Cpl Y.K. Singh (Fiji), a Mutual Aid Programme (MAP) student, attended and qualified.
RNZAOC RF OR Junior Supplier Course 11.38. Robert McKie Collection
7 December 1985
SSgt Wayne Bray arrived from Tonga on completion of MAP assistance to the Tongan Army.
9 December 1985
LCpl Paul Gleeson arrived to take up his appointment as Assistant Instructor, Ammunition Wing.
SSgt John Jones arrived on posting from 5 Composite Supply Company, Linton Camp.
9-13 December 1985
Course 11 43A DSSR Conversion was attended by 8 students (6 military and 2 Civilian).
11 December 1985
Maj Bolton commenced Long Service Leave, and Capt Green became Acting Chief Instructor until 27 Jan 86.
10-12 December 1985
Course 11.44 Civilian Storekeepers was attended by 10 civilians.
13 December 1985
The School closed down for the year.
14 December 1985
SSgt Neville Lush and family departed for Singapore on Posting.
16 December 1985
SSgt Steve Driver was posted to 5 Composite Supply Company.
The beret is a type of cloth cap with a rich military history that originated in the Basque district of France. Since its adoption by the Royal Tank Regiment in 1924, the beret has become a symbol of military service across the globe. New Zealand is no exception, having adopted its first berets in 1938. The New Zealand military has a long and varied history of using this iconic headdress. In this article, we will explore the history of berets in New Zealand’s military and their significance in various corps and regiments of the New Zealand army.
The Royal Tank Regiment adopted this headdress on 5 May 1924. The decision to choose the beret was made during a dinner in 1917 when officers of the Tank Corps discussed the end of the war and what kind of uniform the corps would wear in peacetime. One of the officers suggested that the corps adopt a headdress of our allies, following the tradition of the British Army adopting some form of headdress belonging to its enemies after most wars.
Initially, the choice was between the Breton beret worn by the Tirailleurs Alpins and the Basque beret worn by the Chars d’ Assault, but neither of these patterns met with favour from the Tank Corps officers. After further consideration, they decided upon the pattern popular among English girls’ schools. Many girls were sent a letter explaining the situation, and many berets of various colours were received in reply. Eventually, the black beret was authorised after a stern contest with the War Office.
Berets were first used as a headdress in New Zealand in 1938 when new uniforms for the Territorial forces were introduced, including a black beret for motorcyclists of the Light Machine Gun Platoons and dispatch riders.[1]
Motorcyclists discontinued the black beret in February 1942 when the NZ Tank Brigade was granted permission to use it as its official headdress.[2]
On 17 February 1942, 2 NZ Tank Battalion Routine Orders posted the following notice,
“H.M the King as Colonel in Chief, Royal Tank Regiment, has signified his informal approval to an alliance between this Bde and the Royal Tank Regiment”. The ONLY personnel now authorised to wear black berets and tank patch are Army Tank Bn personnel with the sole exception of AFV School instructors only.[3]
Within the 2nd New Zealand Expeditionary Force (2NZEF), The Divisional Cavalry in Egypt was the first to adopt the black beret. Later on, black berets were issued to most of the 4th New Zealand Armoured Brigade personnel in November 1942. A year later, soldiers serving in the 22 Battalion in Italy were issued a khaki beret to replace their field service cap.
4th NZ NZ Armoured Brigade Black Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection.
22 Battalion Khaki Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
In the years following World War II, the New Zealand Army expanded the use of berets to various units. The Royal New Zealand Army Nursing Service (RNZANS) was authorised to wear a light grey beret in 1946, and the Women’s Auxiliary Army Corps (WAAC) was permitted to wear the khaki beret. However, the reintroduction of the traditional lemon squeezer as the official headdress of the New Zealand Army in February 1949 marked the end of the widespread use of berets by the NZ Army, with only the RNZAC, NZWRAC, and RNZANS authorised to use the beret as their headdress.
RNZAC Black Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
RNZNC Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
However, Dress Regulations updated in October 1952 permitted the wear of blue berets by Regular Physical Training Instructors and by officers when wearing Uniform, Blue, No 1.[4]
When Kayforce, the New Zealand military contribution to the Korean War, was mobilised, the khaki beret was reintroduced as the standard headdress for all of Kayforce. However, RNZAC personnel on secondment to British armoured units in Korea continued to wear the black beret. The khaki beret remained the headdress for Kayforce personnel until their withdrawal from Korea in 1955. Initial issues to Kayforce were from existing New Zealand Stocks, with an additional 10000 to provide adequate stocks for replacement and issue to Kayforce and NZWAC purchased from the United Kingdom in 1952.[5]
Kayforce Khaki Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
In 1954, the New Zealand Army Board decided to replace the existing khaki uniform of the New Zealand Women’s Royal Army Corps (NZWRAC) with a new uniform of tartan green with black accessories. The new NZWRAC uniform included a tartan green beret, which was authorised for wear on informal occasions. This change in uniform and the beret helped distinguish the NZWRAC from other units and symbolised their unique role within the army. The tartan green beret became an iconic part of the NZWRAC uniform and was worn with pride by its members.
In 1954, the Cap Battledress (Cap BD), known as the Ski Cap, was introduced as the official army headdress in New Zealand to replace the lemon squeezer hat.[6] However, this type of hat was not popular among the troops, particularly those in tropical climates. Despite the dissatisfaction, the Ski Cap remained the standard headdress until it was withdrawn from service in 1965.
In 1955, the New Zealand Special Air Service was formed, and they adopted the British airborne maroon beret as their official headgear. The adoption of the maroon beret by the NZSAS was a significant moment in the history of the New Zealand military. It reflected not only the elite status of the NZSAS but also the close relationship between New Zealand and the United Kingdom. In May 1955, an initial purchase was made to cover the issue of the maroon berets to selected personnel, as well as wastage and turnover, with the possibility of an increase in the size of the NZSAS. The purchase included 600 maroon berets, 500 anodised aluminium SAS badges, 60 embroidered SAS badges, and 60 sets of SAS collar badges. This move signalled a new era within the New Zealand military, and the maroon beret symbolised the high standards and specialised training of the NZSAS.[7] Despite the British SAS adopting a beige sand-coloured beret in 1956 and several opportunities to change, the NZSAS retained the maroon beret until 1986.
NZSAS Narron Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
In 1958, a review of beret stock in the New Zealand Army revealed that 3000 new and partially worn khaki berets were sitting idle in Ordnance stocks. The idea of utilising them as part of the No2 Other Ranks Service dress was considered. However, after some discussion by the Army Dress Committee, it was decided that the khaki beret did not match the No2 Other Ranks Service dress, and a Cap Service Dress was provided instead.[8]
Following the reactivation of 16 Field Regiment (16 Fd Regt) after its service in Kayforce, there was a desire to acknowledge the regiment’s service in Korea. In 1960, it was proposed by the headquarters of the regiment to adopt the stock of 3000 khaki berets to maintain the traditions of the original regiment and for their suitability in appearance.[9] However, the Chief of General Staff (CGS), Major General C.E. Weir, was focused on standardising and simplifying army dress and did not support the proposal. He wanted to eliminate multifarious kit and keep the headdress for the army as the Cap BD for walking out and a jungle hat for field service, with no other variations permitted. As a result, the application to wear khaki berets by 16 Fd Regt was declined, and they were asked to propose another way to commemorate their association with Korea.[10]
In Malaya, the 2nd New Zealand Regiment (2NZ Regt) surveyed the suitability of the Cap BD as a headdress for the tropics and found that berets would be more suitable. In October 1960, 2 NZ Regt requested 50 berets of different sizes and styles to test their suitability as a tropical headdress.[11] Concurrently, the Army Dress Committee agreed in principle that berets would replace the Cap BD as the army’s everyday headdress. In March 1961, it was suggested that a scarlet beret would be a suitable colour for the Infantry beret.[12]
The Army Dress Committee reopened the discussion on berets in its 16 June 1961 meeting and recommended that Khaki berets be issued to all corps without berets to replace Caps BD. However, at the 15 June 1961 Infantry Conference, it was pointed out that if berets were to be introduced, the Infantry colour should not be scarlet but a Dark Green.[13]
The Director of the Royal New Zealand Artillery (DRNZA) joined the conversation on 3 July 1961, stating that if the NZ Army adopted berets, the RNZA should adopt the distinctive style of headdress worn by other members of the Royal Regiment, such as the Royal Artillery (RS), Royal Canadian Artillery (RCA), and Royal Australian Artillery (RAA), and adopt a blue beret.[14]
Up to this stage, the colours of berets, if adopted, had not formally been discussed as it was assumed that existing stocks of khaki berets would be utilised alongside the existing berets worn by them.
The QMG was concerned about the shortage of khaki berets in stock, as only 6000 were available. As a result, there were not enough berets to equip the entire army or even to dye some to meet the needs of coloured berets for the Infantry and Artillery. In response to the Infantry’s desire for a dark green beret, the QMG expressed confusion and suggested that red was the traditional Infantry colour. The QMG also commented that they could not understand why the Infantry would want to adopt a dark green beret, making them appear like members of the Women’s Royal Army Corps (WRAC) or the Dental Corps.[16]
The Director of Infantry quickly replied that although red was the traditional Infantry colour, it was not traditional for Infantry to wear red berets. British Infantry, for example, wore an assortment of berets (of different colours) and bonnets, with the majority of British infantry regiments wearing berets of dark blue. Although Dark Green had been decided as the preferred Infantry colour, members of the Royal New Zealand Infantry did not wish to be confused with the NZWRAC or Dental Corps and the rifle green beret, as worn by the 3rd Green Jackets with whom the NZ Regt was in an alliance, was the preferred colour for the Infantry beret.[17]
On 17 August 1961, the Dress Committee reconvened and approved using coloured berets to represent Corps distinctions. The committee instructed the secretary to consult with the Corps’ Directors to determine their preferred colours based on the British Colour Council Dictionary of Standards. The type of headband, whether it was to be black or brown, was also to be specified.[18]
Reconvening on 14 November 1961, the Army Dress Committee examined the Corp’s preferences, but due to the DGMG dissenting on the proposed Rifle Green for the NZ Regt failed to reach an agreement. However, after further discussion with the Director Infantry on 16 November, the committee agreed to recommend the adopting of the following colours per the preferences of the various corps.[19]
Corps
Colour (BCC designation)
Headband
RNZA
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZE
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZ Sigs
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZASC
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZAOC
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZEME
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZDC
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RF CADETS
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZChD
Blue (Purple Navy – BCC192)
Black
RNZAC
Black (Jet Black – BCC 220)
Black
NZ Regt
Green (Rifle Green – BCC 27)
Black
NZSAS
Maroon (Maroon – BCC 39)
Black
RNZAMC
Dull Cherry (Ruby – BCC 38)
Black
RNZ Pro
Blue (Royal Blue – BCC 197)
Black
NZAEC
Khaki (Khaki – BCC 72)
Brown
RNZNC
Grey (Grebe – BCC 82)
Black
NZWRAC
Green (Tartan Green – BCC 26)
Black
NZ Regt/ RNZIR Rifle Green Beret (2/1 Badge and backing). Lee Hawkes Collection
In September 1962, the Army Dress Committee met again and agreed that the recommendations made for coloured berets on 16 November 1961 should be cancelled and that the NZ Army should adopt a standard green beret for all corps except those whom Dress Regs already authorise to wear berets in other colours, i.e., Black (RNZAC), Maroon (NZSAS), Grey (RNZNC)and Green (NZWRAC). In support of this proposal, the justification was.
The requirement for Corps distinctions in the form of headdress has diminished considerably with the introduction of shoulder titles.
Green tones well with current and proposed Army uniforms and is ideal for training activities.
Introducing berets in all the colours previously agreed upon would create an unnecessary provisioning problem.[20][21]
The discussion on berets continued into 1963 with the decision made to retain the existing Black (RNZAC), Maroon (NZSAS), Grey (RNZNC)and Green (NZWRAC) but introduce blue berets for all other corps, including the Royal New Zealand Army Medic Corps (RNZAMC), NZ Provost and the New Zealand Army Education Corps (NZAEC) who initially requested Ruby, Royal Blue and Khaki berets.
By October 1964, sufficient stock was received, the policy surrounding the issue of Berets and the withdrawal of the Cap BD was finalised, and the Instruction for the distribution of Berets was released in February 1965.[22]
NZ Regt/ RNZIR Rifle Green Beret (2/1 Badge and backing). Lee Hawkes CollectionNZ Regt/ RNZIR Rifle Green Beret (2/1 Badge and backing). Lee Hawkes CollectionRNZASC Blue Beret. Lee Hawkes CollectionRNZA Blue Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
New Zealand Army Air Corps
In 1963, the New Zealand Army Air Corps (NZAAC) was established, and it became affiliated with the UK Army Air Corps on 6 March 1964. Major General J.H. Mogg, the Colonel Commandant of the Army Air Corps, granted permission for the NZAAC to don the Army Air Corps Light Blue beret and AAC badges.[23]
NZACC Light Blue Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
Regular Force Cadets
In July 1972, a submission was made to the Army Dress Committee to introduce scarlet Berets (BCC 209 – Post Office red) as the authorised headdress for Regular Force Cadets instead of the blue berets worn since 1965. The proposal represented an extension of the present colour distinction of RF Cadets as evidenced in lanyards, chevrons, badges of rank and shoulder titles. [24]
Regular Force Cadet School Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
Redesign of Beret
As a result of questions raised at the 29 November 1983 Army Dress Committee meeting on the design of berets, a study was initiated to be undertaken by the Deputy Director of Ordnance Services and by Army R&D to examine standard samples of berets produced by Hills Hats for the Australian and Singaporean Armies to see if one was of a better design with less cloth in the crown than currently on issue in the NZ Army.[25] This study resulted in the introduced a redesigned beret with less cloth in the crown and a cloth headband instead of the traditional leather headband.
Royal New Zealand Military Police
Following the 1981 rebranding of the Royal NZ Provost Corps to the Corps of Royal New Zealand Military Police (RNZMP), a request for a distinctive RNZMP beret in the corps colour of Royal Blue was submitted to the Army Dress Committee in November 1983.[26] This submission was approved, and by the end of 1984, all RF and most TF members of the RNZMP were wearing the new royal Blue beret.[27] As a result of a 1986 CGS directive for the RNZMP to replace their blue regimental belt because of its similarity with the NZSAS belt, the RNZMP director raised a submission to introduce a red belt and beret. Opinion on introducing a red belt and beret for the RNZMP was evenly divided, principally because of the clash with the RF Cadet school belt and beret.[28] This submission for the RNZMP to wear a red beret and belt was rejected by CGS, and the use of the royal blue beret remained extant.[29]
RNZMP Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
Comparison between RNZMP Beret (left) and Standard Blue Beret (right). Lee Hawkes Collection
Royal New Zealand Chaplains Department
The Army Dress Committee received a proposal on 31 August 1984 regarding the possibility of Royal New Zealand Chaplains Department (RNZChD) personnel wearing a Royal Purple beret. At that time, Chaplains and fourteen other Corps wore the blue beret, and there was a desire to establish a distinctive beret that would readily identify the Chaplains and align with the colours associated with the Chaplaincy. The proposal suggested using Royal Purple (BCC219), the traditional colour of the Chaplains’ Department. It was proposed that the black leather rim of the beret would remain unchanged. This initiative aimed to complete the rebranding of the RNZChD, which had already commenced with the approval and production of the specifically designed NZ Cap Badge.[30]
However, on 27 November 1984, the recommendation to change the beret colour for the RNZChD was not approved. This decision was made due to the recent approval of a uniquely distinctive badge for the RNZChD, which was considered sufficient for identifying the Chaplains.[31]
Royal Regiment of New Zealand Artillery
On St Barbara’s Day, 4 December 1984, the Royal Regiment of New Zealand Artillery significantly changed by exchanging their blue berets for khaki ones. A departure from the tradition followed by gunners throughout the Commonwealth, who still wore blue berets. The decision to change the beret came from a feeling among gunners that, as the senior corps, they should have a distinctive headdress.
The Royal New Zealand Artillery believed that the khaki beret had already established a singular tradition since 1940 when 2NZEF wore it during World War II and by Kayforce in the Korean War. 16 Fd Reg, RNZA, was the principal army element of Kayforce, and the modern New Zealand gunners claimed the exclusive right to wear the khaki beret due to their association with this regiment.[32]
RNZA Khaki Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
New Zealand Special Air Service
Following at least two ‘show of hands’ votes by all available members of 1 NZSAS Group, with some resistance to change on historical principles by some unit members, a submission to change the colour of the beret to ‘sand’ was forwarded to the Army Dress Committee 24 May 1985 by the CO 1 NZSAS Group. Supported by the NZ SAS Colonel Commandant, Colonel Frank Rennie, the proposal was to remain consistent with the Australian SASR and UK 22 SAS and change the NZSAS beret colour from maroon to sand. While generally supported by the Army Dress Committee, there were reservations over the possible similarity in colour (should they change) with the new RNZA beret and over the fact that NZSAS, since its formation in the 1950s, had always had a maroon beret and it now considered a uniquely NZ item of dress. The chairman recommended the colour change to the CGS, noting the committee’s reservations.[33]
Concurring with the committee’s reservations, the CGS Major General John Mace did not initially support the change proposal. An original troop commander in 1955 and a squadron commander in 1960-62 and 1965-66. CGS counted that the proposed beret was too similar to the new RNZA beret and that while “the change might serve a purpose overseas, the Gp are permanently NZ based. There is historical and traditional significance in the red beret for NZSAS. The only development that would change my mind would be the finalisation of an airborne element for the NZ Army or a request signed by all serving members of the Gp.”
Taking the proposal back to the unit, the CO 1 NZSAS GP asked the unit members to vote in writing on whether or not they supported the change of beret colour. Cognisant that there were those within the unit who supported the change and those that favoured the traditional status quo. The CO asked the unit to consider the change based on the following considerations.
All para, quasi-para or airborne forces, including the Australian female parachute packers, appear to wear the maroon beret.
CGS had requested the preparation of a proposal to discuss the formation of an NZ airborne/para-trained force. This proposal would issue them a maroon beret once para qualified.
3 RAR had recently been issued the maroon beret.
The sand beret and RNZA beret are similar in colour but easily distinguishable. The badge would be the current embroidered badge which would distinguish the NS SAS from the SASR, which used a metal badge.[34]
In a vote undertaken by all badged serving members of the unit in which they indicated if they previously supported the change and if they now supported the change, the vote was unanimous in support of the change of beret colour. Eleven personnel who had previously not supported the change now supported the proposal.[35] On 24 January 1986, CGS authorised the NZSAS to wear the sand-coloured beret.[36]
NZSAS Sand Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
Royal New Zealand Corps of Signals
At the Royal New Zealand Corps of Signals (RNZSigs) September 1986 Triennial Conference at Hopuhopu Camp, seventy RNZ Sigs Officers and Warrant Officers displayed enthusiasm for a change of beret colour and indicated that the new colour they preferred was Rifle Green. The reasoning for this choice of beret colour was based on the RNZSigs corps colours, representing the three media of communications of air, land and sea as represented on the Corps stable belt,
Dark Blue (the sea) – Royal Blue (BCC 197) (worn by RNZMP).
Green (the land) – Rifle Green (BCC 27)
Light Blue (the air) – Spectrum Blue (BCC 86)
A proposal requesting authority for RNZ Sigs pers to wear a Rifle Green beret was submitted to the Army Dress Committee on 29 September 1986.[37]
The recommendation was that the RNZSigs wear a rifle green beret because:
it would be a distinctive corps headdress
all other ‘teeth’ arms less RNZE have a distinctive beret
the colour is traditionally a ‘Signals’ colour
Although D Inf & SAS considered the colour too similar to that worn by RNZIR, most of the Dress Committee supported the change at the 3 November meeting of the Army Dress Committee.[38] Notification of the CGS approval of the RNZSigs beret was noted in the 12 May 1987 minutes of the Army Dress Committee.[39]
RNZSigs Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection
New Zealand Intelligence Corps
The New Zealand Intelligence Corps (NZIC) was initially formed as part of the Territorial Force in January 1942 but was disbanded in 1947 as part of the post-war reorganisation. On 15 March 1987, it was re-established as a Regular Force Corps and named the New Zealand Army Intelligence Corps, which later reverted to its original title. Prior to the formation of the NZIC, individuals posted to intelligence positions unofficially wore the British Army Intelligence Corps Cypress Green Beret. When the NZIC was re-established in 1987, the beret was adopted as the official headdress of the NZIC.
New Zealand Intelligence Corps Cypress Green Beret. Lee Hawkes Collection.
One Army Beret
The New Zealand Army boldly moved on 16 August 1999 when CGS Major General Maurice Dodson issued a directive to adopt a “one army” beret. The directive aimed to create a sense of unity and pride among all soldiers and to simplify the number of coloured berets in the NZ Army. This resulted in the rifle green beret, previously reserved for the RNZSigs, becoming the standard beret for all officers and soldiers, except for the NZSAS, who retained their sand beret.
However, the transition to the “one army” beret was met with resistance, with many officers, soldiers, and veterans opposing the change. They were attached to their former beret colours and saw the change as unnecessary. This dissatisfaction was mirrored in 2001 when the United States Army moved to a “one army” beret for all soldiers, highlighting the powerful effect that symbols such as coloured berets can have on morale and unit pride. The NZ Army “one army” beret has endured despite the initial resistance. The New Zealand Cadet Coprs continued to wear the Blue Beret.
One Army Beret with QAMR Badge. Lee Hawkes Collection
Notes
“Clothing – Head Dress – Berets: Povision.” Archives New Zealand No R17187783 (1952 -1965).
“Clothing: New Zealand Regular Forces: Scale of Issue.” Archives New Zealand No R17187790 (1950 – 1957).
“Conferences – Nedw Zealand Army Dress Committee.” Archives New Zealand No R17188110 (1962-67).
“Conferences – New Zealand Army Dress Committee.” Archives New Zealand No R9753141 (1970-73).
“Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1984.” Archives New Zealand No R17311893 (1984).
“Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1985-86.” Archives New Zealand No R17311895 (1985 – 1986).
“Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1986-87.” Archives New Zealand No R17311897 (1986 – 1987).
“New Army Uniforms and Modern Military Vehicles for Dominion Forces.” New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23033, , 10 May 1938.
“New Zealand Army Instruction 164/1942.”(10 January 1942).
“St Barbaras Day.” The Press, 5 December 1984.
Thomas, Malcolm, and Cliff Lord. New Zealand Army Distinguishing Patches, 1911-1991. Wellington, N.Z. : M. Thomas and C. Lord, 1995, 1995. Bibliographies, Non-fiction.
“Wearing of Black Beret & Tank Patch.” 2 NZ Tank Battalion R.O. 26/1943 (17 February 1942).
[1] “New Army Uniforms and Modern Military Vehicles for Dominion Forces,” New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23033, , 10 May 1938.
[2] “New Zealand Army Instruction 164/1942,”(1942).
[3] “Wearing of Black Beret & Tank Patch,” 2 NZ Tank Battalion R.O. 26/1943 (1942).
[4] Army 213/7/4/Q/Org Revised Appendix ‘M’ Clothing Scales Dated 3 October 1952. “Clothing: New Zealand Regular Forces: Scale of Issue,” Archives New Zealand No R17187790 (1950 – 1957).
[5] Application for Financial Authority, Khaki Berets 14 November 1952. “Clothing – Head Dress – Berets: Povision,” Archives New Zealand No R17187783 (1952 -1965).
[6] Malcolm Thomas and Cliff Lord, New Zealand Army Distinguishing Patches, 1911-1991 (Wellington, N.Z. : M. Thomas and C. Lord, 1995, 1995), Bibliographies, Non-fiction, 128-29.
[7] Army 213/6/7/Q Application for Financial Authority, Berets for Special Air Squadron 31 May 1955.Ibid.
[8] Minutes of the 17 meeting of the Army Dress Committee, held at Army HQ on 9 October 1958.Ibid.
[9] Army 213/6/7/Arty Headdress – 16 Fd Regt 30 March 1960. Ibid.
[18] Minutes of the 29th meeting of the Army Dress Committee held at Army HQ 17 August 1961. Ibid.
[19] Minutes of the 32nd meeting of the Army Dress Committee held at Army HQ 16 November 1961. Ibid.
[20] Minutes of the 37th meeting of the Army Dress Committee at Army HQ on 12 Sept 1962. “Conferences – Nedw Zealand Army Dress Committee,” Archives New Zealand No R17188110 (1962-67).
[21] Minutes of the 37th meeting of the Army Dress Committee held at Army HQ 13 September 1962. “Clothing – Head Dress – Berets: Povision.”
[23] NZACC Submission 9/84 to Army Dress Committee 7 August 1984. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1984,” Archives New Zealand No R17311893 (1984).
[24] NC 8/2/2/ADC HQ Home Command Amendment to Army Clothing Scales Scarlet Berets: RF Cadets 21 July 1972. “Conferences – New Zealand Army Dress Committee,” Archives New Zealand No R9753141 (1970-73).
[25] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee, 29 November 1983. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1985-86,” Archives New Zealand No R17311895 (1985 – 1986).
[26] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee, 29 November 1983. Ibid.
[27] RNZMP Submission 3/87 to Army Dress Committee 30 September 1986. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1986-87,” Archives New Zealand No R17311897 (1986 – 1987).
[28] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee 3 November 1986. Ibid.
[29] RNZMP submission 3/87 to Army Dress Committee 30 September 1986.Ibid.
[30] RNZChD submission 11/84 to Army Dress Committee 31 August 1984. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1984.”
[31] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee 27 November 1984. Ibid.
[32] “St Barbaras Day,” The Press, 5 December 1984.
[33] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee, 24 May 1985. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1985-86.”
[34] NZSAS 5252 Change of Colour for NZSAS Beret 27 September 1985. Ibid.
[35] Correspondence CO SAS to DInf &SAS 15 December 1985.Ibid.
[36] Army 220/5/103 DRESS-NZSAS PERS 24 January 1986. Ibid.
[37] Signals Directorate 1000/1 Submission to Army Dress Committee 29 September 1986. “Conferences – Policy and General – NZ Army Dress Committee 1986-87.”
[38] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee 3 November 1986. Ibid.
[39] Minutes of the Army Dress Committee, 12 May 1987. Ibid.
Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps, 1955-1996 Gilt, Silver & Enamel Officers Badge. Robert McKie collection
On 4 April 1996, the New Zealand Army Chief of the General Staff, Major General Piers Reid, signed a directive to establish a fully integrated logistic function in the New Zealand Army, intending to improve logistic support in both operational and operational and non-operational environments. The integrated logistic organisation would combine the three separate Corps into a single Regiment.
On 9 December 1996, Offices and Soldiers of the Royal New Zealand Corps of Transport, Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps, Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers and Storemen and Stores Managers of the
Royal Regiment of New Zealand Artillery
Royal New Zealand Armoured Corps
Royal New Zealand Engineers
Royal New Zealand Corps of Signals
Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment
Royal New Zealand Army Medical Corps
marched onto parade grounds on each camp and base, where the Flags of the RNZCT, RNZAOC and RNZEME were lowered, the headdress of parading soldiers replaced, the flag of the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment (RNZALR) was raised, and all parading Officers and Soldiers marched off as members of the RNZALR.
With the formation of the RNZALR approved on 4 April 1996 and the ceremonial establishment facilitated on 9 December, the administrative changeover of Officer sand Soldier from their legacy Corps into the RNZALR had been processed as of 5 December 1996. This article provides a snapshot of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps on 4 December 1996.
Key Appointments
RNZAOC Colonel-in-Chief
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II
Regimental Colonel
Col L Gardiner, 19 September
Colonel Commandant
Lieutenant Colonel AJ Campbell
Supply Wing, Army Logistic Centre
Chief Instructor
Major H.B Cockburn
Warrant Officer Supply
Warrant Officer Cass One W.N Vince
Strength
The strength of the RNZAOC on 4 December 1996 was 371 Officers and Soldiers
By Rank
By Trade
The Other Rank Trades of the RNZAOC consisted of five trades
On 5 December 1996, the RNZAOC other ranks trades were reclassified as
Suppliers, Instructor Supply, AP’s, Storemen and Store managers were reclassified as Supply Quartermasters (SupQM) RNZALR
Ammunition Technicians to Ammunition Technicians RNZALR
Clerks and Manager Administration as Administrators RNZALR
Note: The RNZAOC Motor Trimmer’s Trade was transferred to RNZEME on 7 November 1994.
Rank by Trade
Officers
Note: Ten Officers were qualified as Ammunition Technical Officers (ATOs)
By Arm
Age
Gender
Length of Service
Note: Five serving RNZOAC members had previous service in Corps, which had been previously disbanded.
One from the New Zealand Army Woman’s Corps (NZWRAC).
Five from the Royal New Zealand Army Service Corps (RNZASC).
The New Zealand (NZ) Army entered the 1950s with combat clothing based on the World War Two Battle Dress (BD) and Khaki Drill (KD) uniforms. Both these uniform types had limitations, such as the BDs being too heavy for wear in summer, tropical and jungle climates but too lightweight for the temperate NZ Climate. Combat operations in Southeast Asia from 1955 had further highlighted the inadequacy of NZ combat clothing, leading to NZ soldiers equipped with an eclectic range of United Kingdom (UK), Australian and NZ-manufactured variants throughout the 1950s and 60s. To achieve a measure of sustainability and self-sufficiency when purchasing uniforms, NZ undertook extensive research and development on tropical combat uniforms during the 1960s. However, by the early 1970s, the requirement for temperate climate uniform became a priority leading to the adoption of the UK 1968 Pattern Disruptive Pattern Material (DPM) combat uniform. As the NZ Army transitioned from its World War Two legacy combat clothing to the most modern combat uniforms available, the transition was never complete, with elements of the older combat clothing remaining in service to be mixed and matched with the latest items as they were introduced. This article provides an overview of the NZ Army’s combat clothing transition from 1955 to the 1980s and how the requirements and types of combat clothing evolved.
A soldier hands out uniforms and bags to the first batch of 18-year-old army trainees. Photograph taken 29 June 1950 by an Evening Post staff photographer.Ref: 114/164/31-F. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. /records/23010004
Following World War Two, with Ordnance Stores well stocked and NZ industry well positioned to support any surge in demand, the NZ army retained the familiar combination of woollen serge Battle Dress (BD) and KD and Demin range of uniforms that had served it well during the war years. However, by 1955 the high tempo of training required to maintain a division supported by Compulsory Military Training (CMT), operations in Korea, and a likely commitment to ongoing operations in Southeast Asia highlighted deficiencies of the current ranger of uniforms. While the BD uniforms remained suitable for use in temperate and colder climates, the Army Clothing Committee identified a requirement to develop a summer training dress for use in NZ that would also be satisfactory for jungle operations. In response to the Army Dress Committee, Captain J.A Dixie of the Defence Scientific Corps of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research (DSIR) provided a comprehensive report on Tropical Clothing. Reviewing World War Two and post-war scientific research on the problem of tropical clothing by the United States and Commonwealth, Dixie’s report provided the principles that guided the selection of a suitable NZ Army range of tropical uniforms and equipment.[1]
Following the deployment of the NZ Special Air Service (NZSAS) Squadron to Malaya in November 1955, NZ felt obliged to prepare NZ’s forces for service in Southeast Asia. Based on the equipping of the NZSAS from British theatre stocks, the assumption was that initial stocks of tropical clothing for any future deployment would be available from British theatre stocks, with NZ-manufactured tropical uniforms providing long-term sustainment. Therefore, in December 1955, the Army Board approved the transition of uniforms with BDs retained as winter dress in NZ, and KDs phased out in favour of uniforms manufactured in Drill Green (DG) for summer and working dress. The 1955 orders of dress were.
The transition to the new range of DG clothing was in the following sequence:
Waste out stock of KD garments by CMT issues, with the first issue to CMT recruits by 1959, with the process completed by 1960.
For other uses, convert stocks of KD material (not yet made up into uniforms) and waste out.
Undertake all further uniform manufacture (except BD and Greatcoats) in DG.
Build up a working reserve sufficient to equip 10,000 soldiers.[2]
NZ’s DG uniform pattern was the 1950 Pattern British Jungle Green (JG) uniform. The 1950 pattern uniform consisted of shirt and trousers made from a green-coloured cotton drill material. Fitted with a cross waist belt fastened by adjustable buckles on each side designed to account for the wearer losing weight in hot climates, the trouser style was known as ‘Gurkha pants.’ The trousers included a twin pleated front, pockets on each hip, twin rear pockets and a map pocket on the left leg.[3]
Jungle greens and Jungle boots as worn by New Zealand Forces in Malaya from 1955. NZ National Library Ref: EP/1956/0031-F
Due to the financial outlay required to provide a measure of fiscal control over future uniform changes, on 9 April 1956, Cabinet decided that “No new items in uniform scales of officers and other ranks are to be introduced or material changes therein made without the prior approval of the Minister of Defence in concurrence with the Minister of Finance to the finance involved.”[4]
Granted approval on 2 August 1958 and deployed to Malaya in October 1957, the 1st Battalion, The NZ Regiment (1 NZ Regt), was NZ’s first regular Infantry battalion and NZ’s land commitment to the Commonwealth’s Far East Land Forces (FARELF). The initial scaling of 1 NZ Regt was from NZ stocks with equipment, including clothing (four sets of NZ DGs), weapons and eighty-nine vehicles and trailers. However, with the approval of the Ministers of Defence and Finance, £59000 (NZD 3,359,047.60 in 2022) was expended to procure additional theatre-specific items not held in the NZ inventory from British theatre stocks in Malaya.[5] Given the distance involved and the complications of holding sufficient clothing stocks to cover all size ranges, it was decided in September 1957 that NZ-specific uniform items would be maintained from NZ, with the UK supplying and maintaining items on the FARELF clothing scales, managed under a capitation system where NZ reimbursed the UK for the equipment provided.[6] This arrangement was extended to include Australian equipment provided to the NZ Forces and remained in place until 1974. The initial items maintained by NZ with 1 NZ Regt provided with stock to allow 100% replacement were:
Still, a novel item under development as part of the NZ Army inventory, the evaluation and development of the NZ DG uniforms was ongoing. One of the first large-scale user trials in NZ was on Jungle Course No1 at Burnham Camp from 8 September to 31 October 1958. Feedback from Course participants was positive, with observations that DG items were satisfactory for NZ’s temperate conditions.[7] Instructions for distributing DG Uniforms were issued in October 1958, with three sets of KD approved for exchange with three sets of DGs for Regular Force (RF) Officers and Other Ranks.[8]
As the introduction of the DG uniform continued, limitations with the current material and cut of the DG Uniforms were highlighted. Although suitable for training for most conditions found in NZ, it was not suitable for operations in the tropical conditions of Malaya. Under an existing Commonwealth agreement, Australia took the lead in researching a range of tropical clothing and equipment. As Australian research and development continued, NZ continued to rely on the UK and Australia to provide tropical clothing while remaining focused on developing a range of clothing suitable for NZ’s temperate climate and conditions.[9]
The NZ Army Chief of General Staff (CGS) Clothing Conference in February 1960 prompted significant work in developing revised uniform scales and dress orders. A policy statement was issued in November 1960 to remove misunderstandings regarding the proposals under consideration and the obligatory and optional dress orders, with the 1960 orders of dress within NZ being:
The 1960 policy statement on orders of dress was aspirational in that it had identified additions to the winter and summer clothing scales. Driven by the realisation that harsh weather and inadequate clothing led to considerable loss of training time, investigations had identified that lighter materials with water-repellent and quick-drying qualities were available, leading to a proposed new line of uniforms and equipment superior to the current BDs and greatcoats. The proposed uniform and equipment were based on winter and summer uniforms.
The winter training uniform for RF and Territorial Force (TF) all ranks was to consist of Battledress supplemented by added items for introduction from 1962, including
Woollen shirt
Pullover with drawstring neck
Parka
Waterproof over trousers.
Gaiters
The summer training uniform for all RF and TF all ranks was to consist of the following:
Replacement of existing stocks of Summer Drill trousers with a new trouser pattern based on the UK 1960 Pattern Jungle Green trousers. The 1960 pattern trousers were identical to the 1952 Patten but had the addition of belt loops.
Replace the DG Shirt with the woollen shirt used in the winter dress.[10]
Troops posted to FARELF were issued in NZ with the standard scales supplemented by items needed for operational training in NZ. Before embarkation, NZ issue items not needed in the FARELF theatre were withdrawn and placed into base kit storage until the soldiers returned from overseas. On arrival in the FARELF theatre, additional items, including lightweight tropical and combat clothing, were issued from UK Stocks.[11]
In addition to clothing items, boots and bivouac equipment designed to provide soldiers with maximum protection against the weather during field training were included in the initial trials from July 1961.[12] The July 1961 trial provided a proof of concept that led to 1962 approval by the Ministers of Defence and Finance of a new range of basic clothing and clothing scales for the army to meet existing requirements with new scales approved for inclusion in NZ Army Routine and Standing Orders (R&SO) Volume 1 on 13 July 1962.[13][14] The formalisation of this scale was concurrent with the Ministers of Defence and Finance jointly approving the expenditure of £38,657.14.0 (NZD 1,948,037.31 in 2022) to enable payment to be made to GHQ FARELF for items of clothing issued by the UK to the NZ battalions in Malaya since 1957. Approval of further updates of the NZ clothing scales, including the NZ FARELF scale, followed in September 1963.[15]
By July 1964, with a continuing commitment to the Commonwealth FARELF in Malaysia and a growing commitment to the conflict in South Vietnam, the NZ Army convened a special committee to:
Define the policy governing all items of clothing and personal equipment for male members of the NZ Army in peace and war, in NZ and overseas.
Calculate the immediate and long-term requirements to equip the army and provide for maintenance.
Prioritise and select essential and suitable items for use in Southeast Asia and under conditions found in NZ.
Acknowledge that clothing and equipment needed to be specifically developed for both NZ and Southeast Asia.
Review the NZ Army’s present holdings to determine what was suitable for either permanent or interim use in SE Asia.
Base future scales on those already used within NZ and by 1 RNZIR in Malaysia.
Recommend maintenance stock levels based on current usage rates experienced by 1 RNZIR in Malaysia.
The clothing and personal equipment policy statement was comprehensive and logical, with sound recommendations that identified items of clothing and equipment for use by the NZ Army at home and overseas, with recommendations for new scales, stock and maintenance levels. Approved in principle by Army Headquarters, the clothing and personal equipment policy statement was submitted to the Ministry of Defence for approval in November 1964.[16] Following further analysis by the Ministry of Defence, it was recommended on 15 June 1965 that The Minister of Defence and Minster of Finance approve the new scales of clothing and personnel equipment for the NZ Army based on the expenditure of £1,425,00 ($6,698,087.41 in 2022) over the financial years 1965/66, 1966/67 and 1967/68.[17]
Despite the considerable financial commitment required, following the joint approval of the Ministers of Defence and Finance, on 21 March 1966, Cabinet approved in principle expenditure to allow the provision of clothing and personal equipment for the NZ Army’s future requirements over the next three fiscal years:
£1,425,00 ($66,980,874.05 in 2022) over the budget year 1965/66,
£430,000 ($19,569,115.53 in 2022) for the budget year 1966/67.
£430,000 (18,385,342.62 in 2022) for the budget year 1967/68.[18]
Approved by Cabinet, the clothing and personal equipment programme was a three-year programme to issue to troops and build up stocks over the years 1967 -1969 and was to:
Provide an initial issue to the Field Force of ten thousand soldiers, plus a three-month reserve stock at war wastage rates for immediate maintenance in the overseas theatre.
Hold sufficient materials and components to allow manufacturers six months of supply at war rates.
Additional stock of training clothing to meet needs in NZ.
With the 1961 trials identifying items for training in NZ, experience gained in Malaysia and later South Vietnam saw additional items of tropical combat clothing added to the clothing scales.
The Pullover with a drawstring neck was trialled in 1961 and, although undergoing minor modifications, was ready for introduction into service by March 1964.[19] Based on the British 1960 Pattern tropical shirt and trousers, the NZ-manufactured variants were the base of NZ’s summer and tropical dress orders. Although suitable for summer use, a shirt more suited to NZ’s temperate climate was desired, and from the three types trialled in 1961 with two types selected for further trials:
Type A 100% wool.
Type B was a wool/nylon mixture.
Introduced into servicer for a year-long trial from April 1965. 3703 type A shirts were Issued to RF personnel, excluding those posted to FARELF. The scale was one Type A Shirt Training per Officer and Soldier in exchange for one Shirt DG.[20] Thirteen Hundred of the marginally more expensive Type B Training shirt introduced for concurrent troop trials in October 1965. A revised Trial instruction was issued in December 1965, detailing the requirements for the trial, for completion by 31 August 1966, with trial reports submitted to Army HQ by 30 September 1966.[21]
Type A Shirt Training, Green, Wool/Nylon (Type A)
Type A Shirt Training, Green, Wool/Nylon (Type B)
The trial reports on both training shirts revealed faults related to the materials used, with the Type B shirt identified as an acceptable item in its current form. With a sufficient stock of the Type B shirt in circulation, trials were extended until 31 October 1966, with the Type B shirt included in the clothing scale by 1967.
As NZ’s commitment to the conflict in South Vietnam increased from mid-1964, the lack of suitable materials or shirts for use in tropical conditions became an issue. To meet the immediate needs of NZ’s overseas forces, continued reliance on the UK, with additional items provided by Australia, was necessary.
An early contribution to developing an NZ tropical combat shirt was in November 1964 when ten shirts made from a new acrylic fabric (trade name “Cashmillon”) were issued to the First Battalion of the Royal NZ Infantry Regiment (1RNZIR) in Malaysia for initial troop trials.[22] The trial NZ shirt was intended to be rot-resistant, more robust, quicker-drying, and less chilling to the body when wet, while providing warmth in cooler weather. The 1RNZIR trials were favourable, with the trial shirts preferred to the current British combat shirts and strongly recommended as a future combat shirt.[23]
New Zealand gunners in Saigon, Vietnam, being presented a garland of flowers by a woman from the Vietnamese Army, during an official welcome ceremony for the artillery unit. circa 5 August 1965. Ref: EP-Defence-NZ Army, Vietnam-01. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. /records/22829325
By August 1965, adverse media coverage on the quality of Australian Combat Clothing of the type issued to NZ’s Vietnam Force (V Force) prompted NZ Army Headquarters to approach the United States for samples and specifications of combat clothing used by United States Forces in South Vietnam, with feedback also obtained by HQ NZ V Force from United States Forces in South Vietnam on their satisfaction with their tropical combat uniforms.[24] Feedback from the United States Military Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV) and two United States advisors with the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) identified that United States Army personnel in Vietnam were issued two sets of Tropical Combat fatigues. The United States uniform was light, comfortable and quick-drying, resistant to rot under tropical conditions, with a combat life of about twelve days. Although having an apparent short operational life, this was comparable with the Commonwealth experience with uniforms in jungle operations in Southeast Asia.[25]
The view of the NZ Army was that although the United States tropical uniform material was the best of those in use by allied armies and was supported by a continual improvement programme, prudence directed that, based on the preliminary trials of the NZ acrylic cloth by 1RNZIR, extended trials were required to be conducted.[26] With the NZ acrylic cloth being potentially superior to other cloths in use and likely to be suitable for NZ training conditions, the Army Development Section proposed that a further 300 yards of the cloth be purchased to enable further trials to be conducted.
However, feedback from the 9th Commonwealth Defence Conference and the flammability risks associated with the acrylic material led to the cessation of meaningful development of this cloth. The UK and Australia both had large stocks of drill cloth, which, although not ideal, were still suitable for use as research continued to find a replacement material. Concurrent with NZ acrylic trials, Australia was in the preliminary stages of experimenting with a cotton/nylon mixture. However, the UK and Canada were concerned with the NZ trial as the cloth had little flame resistance. Based on this feedback, NZ reviewed its requirements and requested that the DSIR and industry undertake further development of the acrylic cloth to improve its fire resistance qualities. NZ’s requirements for tropical uniform material were satisfied by purchasing bulk stocks of the same material used by the UK for tropical clothing.[27]
1 Composite Ordnance Company Officers Ex Logploy Two Linton 6-9 March 1967 Left to Right: 2LT Telfer, 2Lt Watson, 2Lt Wootton, Lt McDonald, Capt Duggan, Maj Golightly, 2Lt Jones, Lt Reid, 2Lt Bowker. All wear 1960 Pattern DG Trousers with various KD, DG and Wollen Shirts. Robert.McKie Collection
By December 1967, the NZ clothing scales and the range of clothing supplied had become complicated. Each NZ soldier was issued clothing and equipment based on the NZ Training scale. Although the NZ Training scale was based on maintaining an integrated RF and TF Field Force, a 1967 study of the training clothing scales found disparities between the combat, training and walking out uniform scales of the RF and TF. To correct and align the RF and TF scales, a two-phase programme started in 1967 to correct the scales. Phase one, initiated in 1967, began the disposal of all wartime-style garments (items from World War One and Two were still in service) and rearranging the scale issue to the National Service Training Unit (NTSU). Beginning in December 1968, NTSU and TF recruits were to be issued the same combat clothing as the RF.[28]
On selection for deployment overseas, additional items were issued as part of the emplacement scale depending on the theatre. Items not required overseas were held in the soldier’s Base kit.
NZ Troops to HQ FARELF and 1 RNZIR. NZ Troops posted to HQ FARELF and 1 RNZIR issued from the NZ FARELF Scale with items drawn from stocks supplied by the UK and NZ. The solder retained items such as the UK tropical Shirts (Flannel or Cellular) and Trousers OG on return to NZ.
Victor and Whiskey Company troops, drawn from 1RNZIR and deployed to South Vietnam. Items of the FARELF scale not required in South Vietnam were placed into base kits. Additional Australian combat clothing was issued from Australian FARELF stocks, with maintenance provided by the Australian Logistic Support Group (ALSG) in South Vietnam.
HQ V Force, 161 Battery, Med Team and other troops deployed directly from NZ. In addition to NZ items, Australian combat clothing was issued, with maintenance provided by the Australian Logistic Support Group (ALSG) in South Vietnam.
The Australian combat clothing issued to NZ troops in Vietnam consisted of two types of uniforms: Shirts and Trousers Tropical Combat (JGs) and Coat and Trousers Mans Field Combat Tropical.
The Australian JGs were modelled after the British 1950 pattern tropical uniforms and made from lightweight green fabric. The shirt was long-sleeved with two chest pockets, and the trousers had the crossover “Gurkha” style closure with buckles on the sides and fitted with a single map pocket to the left thigh.
The Australian Coat and Trousers Mans Field Combat Tropical was inspired by the United States jungle fatigues and developed over 1965/66 with the Mark 1 version introduced into Australian service by January 1967. The coat (shirt) had pockets on the upper sleeves for shell dressings and slanted breast pockets. This new uniform was soon nicknamed “pixie greens.”
Australian Coat and Trousers, Man’s, Field Combat, Tropical “Pixi Greens”
In the interests of standardisation and leveraging from the operational experience gained by the Australians in Vietnam, the NZ Army considered adopting the Australian range of combat clothing for use in tropical combat conditions and as a replacement for DG items in NZ. Combat clothing trials were initiated in January 1967, with forty sets of the Australian prototype “Pixi Greens” issued to Waiouru Camp and the 1st Battalion Depot in Burnham.[29]
As a result of the NZ “Pixi Green” trial in September 1967, the Australian design, with modifications, was accepted for use in NZ as a training dress and as a combat dress in the tropics. The modifications required included using UK-sourced DG Cloth and a slight redesign of the trousers. The final acceptability trial report completed on 31 October 1967 established the acceptability of the UK Cloth and decided on a preference between the two slightly different trouser styles; one type had elastic cuffs and cargo pockets on the front of the legs; the other type had draw-cord cuffs and cargo pockets towards the sides of the legs.[30]
User trials established that the UK-type DG material was a satisfactory material for both shirts and trousers in tropical combat conditions and suitable as a replacement for the current heavier NZ DG for summer wear in NZ. A good design for the NZ version of the “pixie greens” shirt and trousers had been achieved, with the trousers having draw-cord cuffs and cargo pockets towards the sides of the legs.[31] Following sizing trials conducted in Vietnam and NZ in 1967, it was established that the Australian size range was compatible with NZ’s needs and was adopted with nine sizes of Shirts and trousers provided.[32]
NZ Purchase Description No 106 was issued on 4 January 1968, providing the minimum requirements for manufacturing Shirt, Man’s, Drill, Green, Field Combat, Tropical 1967 Pattern, the NZ version of the Australian Coat Mans Field Combat Tropical “pixie green”.[33]
Shirt, Man’s, Drill, Green, Field Combat, Tropical 1967 Pattern
The NZ purchase description, which provided the minimum requirements for manufacturing Trousers, Men’s, Drill Green Field Combat, Tropical (1967 Patt), the NZ version of the Australian Trousers, Men’s Field Combat Tropical (Pixie), was issued on 5 February 1968.[34]
Trousers, Mens, Drill Green Field Combat, Tropical – 1967 Pattern
Although the trouser design was agreed to and was ready for introduction into service, the initial design was a compromise. In some examples, Velcro replaced all buttons and buckles in the waist area. The trials of the Velcro fastenings were not exhaustive, with further trials to evaluate the practicability of using Velcro fastenings under all conditions of tropical combat required facilitated by the dispatch of six pairs of combat tropical trousers with Velcro fastenings to the Infantry elements of NZ’s V Force in March 1968 to allow further trials.[35] With negative feedback from V Force, further development of Velcro fastenings was not continued.
Australia’s development of its tropical combat uniform was ongoing. In August 1968, user dissatisfaction with the Mark 1 version led to the development of the Mark 2 version. Including some minor design improvements, the size range of the Mark 2 versions was increased from each type having nine sizes to twelve shirt sizes and eighteen trouser sizes.[36] Development of the Australian tropical combat uniform continued until its withdrawal from service in the late1980s. Taking note of the Australian developments of the Mark 2 pattern, NZ modified its specifications and introduced the Coat, Mans, Drill Green Field Combat – 1969 Pattern with twelve different sizes into service in October 1969.[37] It remains unknown if 1969 Pattern trousers were concurrently introduced.
Comparison of FARELF Combat Clothing 1965 Left to Right: Shirts Tropical Combat, Shirt OG (UK).Indonesian Camouflage, Shirt KF, HQ FARELF Joint Services Public Relations PR/A/372/4 NZ Archived R17187760 Clothing Tropical Clothing and Personal Equipment 1955-67
As the NZ clothing and personal equipment programme authorised in 1965 was nearing completion, the NZ FARELF Clothing scale was updated in late 1969, replacing most UK and Australian-sourced items with NZ-manufactured items. However, given the scale of the NZ scale changes, it was not envisaged that NZ would not be able to support the new scale until early 1970.[38] With the British intention to withdraw east of Suez by 1971 likely to become a reality, a revaluation of Australian and NZ reliance on British logistical support was undertaken. By October 1969, Australian planning for any future Australia and NZ (ANZ) Force clothing and personal equipment was underway, with Australia aiming to assume responsibility for the whole Australian component by mid-1971.[39] NZ now had a significant clothing and personal items catalogue, although initially unfavourable to NZ maintaining its stocks in the FARELF due to inadequate NZ resources. As NZ allocated adequate resources, Australia soon warmed up to NZ’s plans. Australia eventually had no difficulty supplying NZ troops in the ANZ Force with Australian pattern clothing and personal items if NZ items were not available. To ensure the Supply of NZ items, 5 Advanced Ordnance Depot (5AOD), Singapore, under the NZ items under specially allocated catalogue numbers alongside the equivalent Australian items.[40]
The UK’s east-of-Suez departure was delayed until 1974 when, along with Australia, both nations withdrew their Singapore garrisons, leaving NZ as the only foreign force in Singapore. By the time of the UK and Australian departure in 1974, the NZ supply system had evolved into a sustainable and autonomous system, with most clothing and personal items supplied direct from NZ. However, the NZ Advance Ordnance Depot (NZOAD) in Singapore had inherited British and Australian stock lines that took time to waste out, ensuring that the NZ Force in Southeast Asia (NZFORSEA) remained equipped with a mixture of British, Australian and NZ equipment.
Further review and refinement of the NZ Army clothing scales took place in 1971 with the announcement made to
Introduce a Dacron uniform as a summer walking out and, where appropriate, working dress to replace DGs.
Replace BDs with a temperate/winter combat working/training uniform.
The Secretary of Defence agreed to the proposal to upgrade DGs and BDs to a new Combat Dress. Authority to cease any further procurement of BD Jackets followed, with existing stocks progressively disposed of. To compensate for the loss of the BD Jacket, an additional Training Jersey was authorised to be issued as a BD jacket replacement. However, pending further justification, the replacement of DGs with Dacron’s as a summer walking out/working dress did not progress. As the winding down of NZ’s commitment to the Vietnam War precluded the widespread introduction of the 1967/69 Pattern Combat uniform, in 1971, a pilot scheme was conducted by units at Papakura camp to evaluate the adequacy of the 1967/69 Pattern Combat Uniform as combat working/training uniform for use in NZ Garrison and training conditions.[41]
The Combat Clothing pilot scheme utilised 1967/69 Pattern Combat uniforms but met with mixed results. Compared to the existing DGs, the 1967/69 Pattern Combat Uniform was unpopular, with variations in colour, texture and strength found. Although a minor redesign of the trousers and remedial work to correct the variation of colours followed, it became accepted that the attempt to follow Australia’s lead in developing a tropical combat uniform had failed. With large stocks of the 1967/69 Pattern Combat uniforms in the NZ Army supply system, the pilot scheme was abandoned, and future development and procurement of the 1967/69 Pattern Combat uniform ceased.
As no suitable alternative clothing item existed, the NZ DG Shirt and Trouser had, by default, been satisfactory as an “in lieu” item for warm weather and tropical training.[42] Although inappropriate and not intended for such use, the DG Shirt and Trousers would continue as NZ’s JGs for warm weather and tropical conditions until the late 1980s. However, the requirement for a modern temperate combat uniform still existed. To identify a temperate combat uniform, the Director of Infantry and SAS (D Inf) initiated formal trials of a combat uniform designed explicitly for temperate use in August 1974. Keen to evaluate a proven uniform pattern, the D Inf requested thirty sets of UK 1968 Pattern DMP temperate climate camouflage uniforms. Up to this period, the use of camouflage uniforms by the NZ Army was rare, with camouflage uniforms used by the 3rd Division of the 2nd NZEF in the Pacific during 1943/44 and the NZSAS and the NZ Army Training Advisory Teams, who had utilised American ERDL and South Vietnamese tiger stripe pattern fatigues during the Vietnam war.
UK Pattern DMP
Twenty-Eight sets of UK 68 Pattern DPM uniforms consisting of smocks, liners, trousers, caps and hods were received in February 1975 and, following the development of evaluation criteria, were released by trial by the NZ School of Infantry and 2/1 RNZIR in March 1975.[43] The DPM uniforms issued to the School of Infantry were distributed to the School of Infantry, the TF Depot and the RF Cadet School. The sets issued to 2/1 RNZIR were issued to Alpha Company (A Coy)
As the D Inf was the sponsor for combat clothing and personal equipment, visits and feedback from units had made the incumbent D Inf aware of deficiencies in certain types and sizes of clothing. Aware that the NZ Army did not have a firm policy regarding combat clothing, D Inf sponsored a review to inform policy and guide future sponsors and provisioners of combat clothing and equipment in 1975. The review found that:
Supplies of Shirts DG were adequate, with stocks of trousers DG low, with deliveries of stocks on order slow.
With the withdrawal of the BD Blouse, the training Jersey remained a popular item of clothing.
Stocks of the Hat Utility were good, and the item remained popular.
Developing and introducing a new parka and over trousers remained an ongoing project.
An unpopular item of uniform, stocks of the 1967 and 1969 Pattern Combat Trousers were not at authorised levels, with procurement frozen until a firm policy on the future of combat clothing was determined.
Stocks of the wool/nylon training shirt were low. However, as an expensive item only scaled for RF issues, procurement was on hold until a firm policy on the future of combat clothing was determined.
BD trousers to remain as the Winter Working Dress for RF and TF and the winter walking out dress for the TF.[44]
The initial trials of the DPM uniforms concluded in August 1975 with positive results recommending the adoption of all items of the DPM uniform except for the DPM Cap. Typical feedback echoed in the evaluation reports was that the DPM uniforms were “well-designed, very comfortable uniforms far Superior to anything else in service”.[45]
In summarizing the trial reports and the suitability of the UK Temperate DPM uniform, the D Inf supported the uniform’s introduction, noting that the comparative trials were limited to the current range of unsatisfactory NZ combat clothing. Comparative trials were not possible against similar uniforms from ABCA (American, British, Canadian, Australian) Armies as the UK temperate climate DPM uniform was the only type available.
Australia had only accepted a DMP pattern for open eucalyptus terrain, with further studies pending for other terrains. The Australian policy was to provide ‘add-on ‘ garments for work in temperate climates.
Canada did not have a DPM Temperate climate uniform and had an ‘add on” policy for cold and article conditions.
The United States offered temperate combat uniforms to NZ at a competitive rate. However, these were of the Olive Green variety. The United States Forces did have tropical DPM uniforms, and if NZ considered introducing tropical DPM Uniforms in the future, these should also be included in the evaluation process.
The D Inf highlighted that no modifications to the UK DPM uniforms were required and recommended that they be introduced as is (less the DPM Cap) and that modifications should only be considered after extensive user experience.[46]
In recognition of the requirement’s urgency and dissatisfaction with current dress and clothing standards adversely affecting morale, approval to introduce the UK DPM uniforms into NZ service was granted in December 1975.[47] The procurement of the new range of temperate clothing consisting of Jackets, Hoods and Trousers made from a DMP material and quilted liners was to be implemented in three phases over five years commencing in 1977/78.
Phase 1 – 1977/78. The first phase would purchase 1000 Jackets and Hoods, 1800 Trousers and 840 Liners to provide sufficient stock for a reduced strength battalion plus two years of maintenance stocks. Phase One was also to purchase 123,974 meters of DMP material to allow the manufacture of DPM uniforms in subsequent phases.
Phase 2 – 1978/79 to 79/80. The NZ manufacture of DPM uniforms to allow.
The issue of one set to the RF component of the Filed Force and Army Schools (Strength 2800).
TF Depot Pool (800).
Annual Camp Pool (4000).
Phase 3 – 1979/80 to 80/81. The NZ manufacturer of the UK Pattern temperate DPM uniforms to allow.
The establishment of war reserve stocks (1800).
The issue of a second set to all RF personnel involved in field training (3500).
Increase the size of the Field Force training pool (1000).[48]
On introducing the temperate DPM uniform, phasing out through normal wastage of the following clothing items was planned.
Over trousers.
The current service parka and commercial lined parkas. On developing a rainproof DPM parka, the replacement of unlined parkas would follow.
BD Trousers on a diminishing basis estimated as beyond 1981[49]
The introduction of the first tranche of temperate DPM uniforms began in August 1977 with the initial purchase of made-up uniforms issued to 2/1 RNZIR and Army Schools, with additional sets manufactured In NZ using imported material. However, a change in clothing policy and delays in receiving DPM material from the UK delayed the planned distribution and establishment of loan pools.[50] By 1980, confusion over scales and entitlements and the resulting distribution stagnation was highly emotional, with formations command seeking resolution.[51]
As the temperate DPMs were progressively introduced to NZ-based units, NZ Forces in Singapore were still required to utilise the legacy JG uniforms. As both the Malaysian and Singapore Forces were introducing camouflage uniforms, the Commander of NZFORSEA considered that there would be immense psychological value in considering the issue of a tropical DPM uniform to NZFORSEA.[52] Since 1972 British Forces in Hong Kong and Brunei utilised the No.9: Tropical Combat Dress, which had replaced the 1950 pattern OG and JG tropical uniforms. In 1980 NZFORSEA submitted a proposal to purchase the UK lightweight DMP material by utilising the UK specification tailored locally to meet the tropical DPM uniform requirements of NZFORSEA.[53]
After considering the NZFORSEA proposal, the NZ Army decided not to approve the NZFORSEA proposal. NZ Forces were to continue using the current JG tropical uniforms range. In justifying the decision, the following reasons were provided.
ABCA studies demonstrated that faded JG drill provided the most effective negative response to IR sources.
The primary reason for introducing DMP clothing into NZ service was warmth, with the psychological value ensuring its acceptance.
The operational effectiveness of DPM uniforms remained questionable.[54]
The upgrading of NZ Army combat clothing from 1955 to 1980 was just one of several clothing and equipment projects intended to keep the army equipped with a high standard of modern equipment compatible with its peers. The practice of adopting off-the-shelf clothing and equipment from allied nations continued, with, where possible, NZ industry manufacturing the foreign patterns, thus providing a measure of self-sufficiency. From 1967 considerable effort was made to develop the Australian Pixie Greens into an NZ tropical combat uniform. The resulting items were unsatisfactory, and the project was considered a failure. JGs introduced in 1958 and upgraded in 1961, remained in service as tropical combat clothing until 1984, when lightweight DPM trousers and shirts began to be introduced. Not wishing to repeat the prolonged and unsuccessful tropical combat clothing experience, the UK DPM temperate combat uniform was introduced with no redesign of the UK uniform with further NZ manufacture based on the UK specifications. A significant improvement on the previous uniforms provided for training in NZ, the introduction was piecemeal, with selected RF field force units fitted out first, followed by issues to the remainder of the RF and TF as stocks were made available, resulting in BD trousers and other legacy combat clothing items remaining in use well into the mid-1980s. While this article provides an overview of NZ Army combat clothing from 1950 to 1980, it provides a starting point for further research.
Notes
[1] Army 213/1/92 DSIR Tropical Clothing Dated 3 October 1955. “Clothing – Tropical Clothing and Personal Equipment,” Archives NZ No R17187760 (1955 – 1967); “Clothing – Policy and General – Annual Clothing Review,” Archives NZ No R17311752 (1967-1975).
[2] Army 213/5/320 Provision of Jungle Green Uniforms dated 2 December 1955. “Clothing – Policy and General – Jungle Green Uniforms,” Archives NZ No R17311754 (1955 – 1988).
[3] Army 213/5/1/ORD 7 Trouser Green Drill 1952 5 January 1962.”Clothing – Khaki Dress – Green Drill, Manufacture,” Archives NZ No R17187768 (1962-1967).
[4] CM (56)16 dated 10 April 1956. “Clothing – NZ Army Force Farelf: Policy, Scales, Accounting,” Archives NZ No R17187816 (1968 – 1970).
[5] “H-19 Military Forces of NZ Annual Report of the General Officer Commanding, for Period 1 April 1957 to 31 March 1958,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives (1958).
[6] Army 213/7/40/Q(Org) Clothing replacement – NZ Army Force FARELF. “Clothing – NZ Army Force Farelf: Policy, Scales, Accounting,” Archives NZ No R17187813 (1957 – 1962).
[7] Report on equipment used: Jungle Training Course No1. “Cookers – Jungle Warfare Equipment: General,” Archives NZ No R17189107 (1945-1968).
[8] Cmd 8/2/Q Introduction of New Orders of Dress – RF (Males) Trousers and Shirts, Drill Green Dated 5 November 1958. “Clothing – NZ Regular Forces: Scale of Issue,” Archives NZ No R17187791 (1957-1964).
[9] Army 213/7/4/DQ Dress-NZ Army 16 October 1959. Ibid.
[10] Army 213/10/7/A4 Dress: Male Officers and Soldiers 25 November 1960.”Clothing – Dress: NZ Army Forces, Far East Land Forces,” Archives NZ No R17187820 (1957-1963).
[11] Army 209/3/218/Q(Org) NZ FARELF Clothing Scales 7 March 1960. “Cookers – Jungle Warfare Equipment: General.”
[12] Army 246/6/194/SD Trial Instructions Clothing and equipment designed for use in training 11 July 1961.”Clothing – Clothing and Equipment Trials in Training,” Archives NZ No R9753143 (1961 – 1966).
[13] Army 213/7/40/QMG Maintenance of NZ Army Forces in SEA in Clothing and Personal Equipment November 1968. “Clothing – NZ Army Force Farelf: Policy, Scales, Accounting.”
[14] Army 213/7/4/DQ Basic Clothing Range: RF Males Dated 11 September 1962. “Clothing – NZ Regular Forces: Scale of Issue.”
[15] Army 213/7/40/Q(A) Clothing issues – Male Personnel posted for duty in FARELF dated 8 March 1963.Ibid.
[16] Army 213/7/4/Adm NZ Army Clothing and Personal Equipment Policy Statement dated 10 November 1964. “Clothing – NZ Regular Forces: Scale of Issue,” Archives NZ No R17187792 (1964-1967).
[17] Ministry of Defence 41/3/3 Army Clothing and Equipment Programme Army Submission 213/7/4 of 4.4.65 Dated 16 June 1965. Ibid.
[18] Army 213/7/4 Army Clothing and Personal Equipment Programme Dated 27 May 1966. Ibid.
[19] Army 213/7/4/Q9C) Pullovers Dated 15 August 1963. “Clothing – NZ Regular Forces: Scale of Issue.”
[20] Army 213/5/42/Q(A) Introduction of Shirts Training (CCN 8405-NZ-101-0588/0596) 22 April 1965.”Clothing – Clothing and Equipment Trials in Training.”
[21] Army 213/5/42/Q(D) Trial Instructions – Training Shirts 13 December 1965. Ibid.
[22] Army 213/1/92/Q(D) Shirts, Tropical Combat 20 November 1964. “Clothing – Tropical Clothing and Personal Equipment.”
[24] Army 213/1/92 Tropical Combat Clothing 5 August 1965. Ibid.
[25] HQ NZ V Force 213/1/92 Tropical Combat Clothing 17 August 1965. Ibid.
[26] Deputy Secretary of Defence (Army) 213/1/92/OS1 Purchase of cloth for trial combat clothing 15 September 1965. Ibid.
[27] Army 213/1/92/Q(D) Shirting Tropical Combat 10 December 1965. Ibid.
[28] Army 213/7/4 Study: Clothing Scales outer Garments Dated 2 August 1967. “Clothing – NZ Regular Forces: Scale of Issue,” Archives NZ No R17187793 (1967-1976).
[29] Army 246/78/5/Q(D) Trial Instructions Tropical Combat Dress (Aust) 11 January 1967. “Clothing – Clothing and Equipment Trials in Training,” Archives NZ No R9853144 (1966 – 1969).
[30] Army 213/1/106/Q(D) Tropical Combat Clothing Trial 11 September 1967. Ibid.
[31] Army 213/1/106/OS9 Trouser Combat Tropical Trial 4 January 1968.Ibid.
[32] Army 213/1/106/ORD6 Trousers Combat Tropical 18 September 1968.”Clothing – Introduction of Combat Clothing Project,” Archives NZ No R17187753 (1968-1976).
[33] NZ Army Purchase Description No 105 dated 4 January 1968. “Clothing – Men’s Drill Green Field Combat Tropical 1967 Pattern 1970-71,” Archives NZ No R24510756 (1970-71).
[34] NZ Army Purchase Description No 106 dated 5 February 1968. “Clothing – Trousers Men’s Drill Green Field Combat – Tropical 1967 Pattern,” Archives NZ No R24510754 (1968 -1968).
[35] Army 213/1/106/Q899 Trousers: Combat Tropical 28 March 1968
[36] Army 213/1/106/ord6 Trouser Combat Tropical 18 September 1968. “Clothing – Introduction of Combat Clothing Project.”
[37] NZ Army Purchase Description No 105A dated 23 October 1969. “Clothing – Men’s Drill Green Field Combat Tropical 1967 Pattern 1970-71.”
[38] Army 213/7/40/Q Ops Brief for QMG Clothing and Personal Equipment for NZ Army Forces in the Far East Dated 24 September 1969. “Clothing – NZ Army Force Farelf: Policy, Scales, Accounting.”
[39] Commonwealth of Australia 209/B/10 Malaysia and Singapore Planning Clothing and Personal Equipment dated 14 October 1969.
[40] Army 213/7/40/Q Ops Brief for QMG Clothing and Personal Equipment for NZ Army Forces in the Far East Dated 24 September 1969. “Clothing – NZ Army Force Farelf: Policy, Scales, Accounting.”
[41] DOS 106/9 10 Combat Clothing and Army Dress Rationalization, dated 10 September 1973. “Army 220/5/103/Aac Army Dress Committee Meeting 1 March 1971,” Archives NZ No R9753141 (1971).
[42] DEP 213/1/37 Adoption of Disruptive Pattern Uniform Dated 22 September 1975. “Clothing – Introduction of Combat Clothing Project.”
[43] Army 213/1/37/EP Sponsor Evaluation Disruptive Pattern Uniform for use in Temperate climates Date 4 March 1975. Ibid.
[44] Army 213/1/104/Inf Minutes of a meeting on a sponsor review of Combat Clothing sand equipment Dated 7 May 1975.”Clothing – Policy and General – Annual Clothing Review.”
[46] D Inf 213/1/37/EP Temperate Disruptive Pattern Uniform Dated 29 September 1975. Ibid.
[47] Army 213/1/37/EP Combat Clothing Dated 9 December 1975. Ibid.
[48] Army Staff Target 08 74/75 Temperate Zone Combat/Training Clothing Dated 16 July 1976. “Clothing – Policy and General – Intro of Combat Clothing Project,” Archives NZ No R17311750 (1977-81).
[49] ACDS (Spt) Minute SP 131/1977 Temperate Climate Combat/Training Clothing for NZ Army Dated 28 April 1977. Ibid.
