From Paper Scales to Artificial Intelligence

Recovering institutional knowledge, preserving the logic of military equipment entitlements, and building trust in future logistics systems

Long before computers, military organisations developed sophisticated systems to determine what was required to raise, equip, deploy, and sustain an army. These systems were recorded in War Establishments, equipment tables, scales of issue, entitlement schedules, ammunition allowances, repair parts lists and numerous other publications. Although maintained on paper and administered through manual accounting processes, they represented considerably more than inventories of military stores. Collectively, they captured generations of operational experience and provided a structured way to translate military organisation and operational requirements into personnel, equipment, and sustainment demands.

In many respects, these documents performed functions that modern information systems, including artificial intelligence (AI), are now being developed to undertake. They established relationships between military organisations, their authorised equipment, the resources required to maintain that equipment, and the consumable stores needed to sustain operations. By applying established rules and planning factors, logisticians could determine requirements, identify deficiencies and adjust support arrangements to suit particular circumstances.

It would be historically inaccurate to describe these paper-based systems as artificial intelligence in the modern technological sense. They did not learn independently, interpret unstructured information or generate new assessments. Nevertheless, they embodied a form of codified institutional intelligence in which accumulated knowledge was converted into rules, tables and procedures that could be applied consistently throughout the military organisation.

The transition from these systems to computerised logistics management has delivered substantial improvements in transactional efficiency, stock visibility and financial accountability. However, digitisation has not always preserved the relationships and underlying logic that made the earlier arrangements effective. In some instances, knowledge once contained within interconnected publications has had to be rediscovered, reconstructed or managed outside enterprise systems.

As artificial intelligence becomes increasingly capable of supporting military logistics planning and decision-making, this historical experience raises an important question: can the institutional knowledge previously captured in paper-based systems be recovered and incorporated into a trusted digital environment that can respond to changing operational requirements? This article argues that it can, and that artificial intelligence, built on a properly configured enterprise system and governed by authoritative data and human authority, should become a routine and progressively wider part of New Zealand Army logistics planning.

For more than 150 years, military logisticians have developed the knowledge, scales, tables and planning factors needed to calculate military support requirements. The next step is to make that accumulated knowledge executable within integrated enterprise systems, supported by automation and artificial intelligence, so that logisticians spend less time calculating what is required and more time ensuring that the necessary support is delivered. That knowledge must also record the risks accepted when established requirements are reduced, or delegated to allies, for political or practical reasons. Although the focus here is military, the same lessons apply to any organisation that must turn accumulated knowledge into the resources needed to sustain its people and assets.

Work to integrate AI into logistics and enterprise systems may well already be under way within the New Zealand Defence Force, including through the Future ERP programme. This article is not intended to critique or pre-empt that work. Rather, it approaches the subject from a different angle, drawing on the history of military scaling and the institutional knowledge embedded in it, to offer an additional perspective that may be useful to those designing and implementing these systems.

The Origins of Structured Military Equipment Scales

The practice of allocating equipment and supplies according to a military force’s size and composition predates the modern army. Military organisations have long recognised that a defined number of soldiers, animals, weapons or vehicles creates corresponding requirements for food, ammunition, transport, accommodation and maintenance. However, the nineteenth century saw a significant development in the formalisation of these relationships as armies expanded, military equipment became increasingly specialised, and governments sought greater consistency in providing and accounting for military stores.

The British War Office’s Army Equipment series of the 1860s was an early attempt to standardise the equipment requirements of military organisations. Its detailed tables recorded authorised stores, quantities, weights and other information needed for provisioning and transport planning.
Source: Army Equipment, Part VI (1865)

A key example was the British War Office’s seven-part Army Equipment series, published during 1861–1866. The series was intended to provide comprehensive and standardised returns of the equipment authorised for the principal arms and services of the British Army. It covered cavalry, Royal Artillery, Royal Engineers, the Military Train, infantry, commissariat services and hospitals, with each volume addressing the particular equipment requirements of its respective organisation.[1]

The publications were considerably more detailed than simple inventories. They identified weapons, tools, personal equipment, saddlery, harness, camp equipment, specialist stores, and other resources needed to perform specific military functions. Where appropriate, they included quantities, weights, dimensions, and costs, allowing equipment requirements to be expressed as procurement, storage, and transportation demands. The volumes also reflected the increasingly specialised nature of military logistics, with separate provisions for the equipment required by engineers, artillerymen, transport personnel, medical services and the commissariat.

The 1865 Equipment of the Military Train, for example, addressed the resources required by the Army’s military transport organisation. Its preparation involved collecting and standardising equipment information, including determining weights and identifying costs. The compilers acknowledged possible errors and the need for later correction, showing that accurate equipment information and its maintenance were already recognised as important administrative responsibilities.[2]

The Commissariat Staff Corps’ Equipment, also published in 1865, provides an equally revealing example. In addition to describing specialist equipment used by bakers, butchers, carpenters, smiths and other trades, it included calculations for supporting an army in the field. One illustrative model considered a force comprising 10,000 infantry, 1,800 cavalry, 2,500 artillery, 600 engineers and 600 Military Train personnel, together with 400 horses. The calculations also considered the possibility of units being detached from the main force, showing an appreciation that logistics requirements could vary with the organisation and disposition of troops.[3]

Notably, some of the underlying calculations drew on experience gained during the Peninsular War. Operational knowledge accumulated decades earlier was therefore being incorporated into standardised planning arrangements that could be applied to subsequent military requirements.[4]

The Army Equipment series mattered not simply for the information in individual volumes, but for the broader principle it established. Once the composition and role of a military organisation were known, its equipment requirements could be determined by referring to an authoritative, standardised body of information. This allowed requirements to be calculated consistently, supported the preparation of stores for mobilisation, and provided a basis for assessing whether units had the resources needed to perform their assigned functions.

Although the calculations were undertaken manually and the information was maintained on paper, the underlying process was recognisably similar to modern requirements modelling. Organisational structures were linked to authorised resources, equipment characteristics supported transportation and storage calculations, and established rules enabled requirements to be adjusted according to the circumstances of the force being supported. These publications did not constitute a complete logistics information system in the modern sense, nor did they eliminate the need for professional judgement, but they demonstrate that structured data, standardised entitlements and the application of operational experience to logistics planning were well established before computers.

From Equipment Tables to Wartime Logistics Administration: The Ordnance Manuals of 1914 and 1939

By the beginning of the twentieth century, the British Army’s equipment administration had developed beyond preparing standardised equipment lists into a more comprehensive system governing the provision, issue, accounting, maintenance, and replenishment of military stores. This development is illustrated by the Ordnance Manual (War), 1914 and its later 1939 counterpart, which provide useful insights into the increasing sophistication of military logistics administration.

The Ordnance Manual (War), 1914 described the responsibilities and procedures of the Army Ordnance Department and Army Ordnance Corps during mobilisation and active service. It operated alongside the contemporary Equipment Regulations, which contained separate provisions for the equipment requirements of infantry, cavalry, artillery, engineers, the Army Service Corps, the Army Ordnance Corps and other specialist organisations. Together, these publications distinguished between the equipment a military organisation was authorised to hold and the administrative arrangements needed to provide and sustain it.[5]

The 1914 manual addressed the organisation of ordnance services in war, the maintenance of stocks, the preparation of demands and indents, the provision of ammunition and the arrangements for handling unserviceable equipment. These procedures ensured that equipment requirements could be translated into actual supplies and that the resulting transactions remained subject to administrative control. Determining an authorised requirement was only one part of logistics: the equipment also had to be available, transported to the appropriate location, issued to the correct organisation and subsequently maintained or replaced.

By the outbreak of the Second World War, the Ordnance Manual (War), 1939 reflected a further development of these principles. Its provisions addressed wartime provisioning, the supply of ordnance stores, repair and recovery arrangements, ammunition supply and the administration of the wider ordnance support system. Its detailed camp-equipment tables were particularly relevant. Table II, Camp Equipment for One Infantry Division (Manoeuvre Scale), differentiated between the arms and services forming the division, while Table III, Camp Equipment Required to Accommodate a Battalion at War Strength, provided a separate accommodation scale that expressly excluded equipment already included within the unit’s war equipment.[6]

The Ordnance Manual (War), 1939 distinguished between equipment carried as part of a unit’s war establishment and additional camp equipment required for accommodation and field operations. These distinctions enabled requirements to be calculated without unnecessary duplication.

This distinction showed that equipment requirements were not a single, fixed allocation. A unit had an authorised establishment and associated war equipment, but additional requirements could arise depending on its operating circumstances. Camp equipment, accommodation stores and other supporting resources could therefore be calculated separately from equipment necessary for the unit’s principal military role. The tables also included weights and measurements, allowing equipment quantities to be considered in relation to transportation and storage.

The progression from the nineteenth-century Army Equipment publications to the Ordnance Manuals of 1914 and 1939 illustrates a gradual development towards integrated resource management. The earlier publications standardised equipment requirements, while the later manuals described more comprehensive arrangements for administering those requirements during mobilisation and operations. New Zealand’s military administration inherited these principles and adapted them over time.

New Zealand’s Early Twentieth-Century Equipment Scales

By the beginning of the twentieth century, New Zealand’s military administration increasingly relied on formal establishments and equipment scales to support the organisation, training, and mobilisation of its forces. These arrangements became particularly important following the introduction of the Territorial Force in 1910, when the Army was required to equip and train larger numbers of personnel while maintaining effective control over limited resources.[7]

The annual training camps of the pre-war period provide useful examples. The 1913 brigade camps required accommodation, cooking equipment, camp furniture, tools, and other stores according to established scales. Temporary Ordnance Depots supported the issue and return of these items, with accounting procedures intended to ensure that equipment could be recovered, inspected and prepared for subsequent use. Once the number and composition of the participating units were known, requirements could be calculated against approved scales and the necessary holdings assembled.

The same principles applied to mobilisation. Expansion from a peacetime establishment to authorised wartime strength required corresponding increases in weapons, clothing, personal equipment, transport and supporting stores. Establishment tables identified the authorised organisation, while equipment schedules and other publications supplied the additional information needed to determine what that organisation required. Although undertaken manually, these calculations followed recognised structures and rules rather than being devised anew for every activity.

The Second World War: Establishments as Logistics Information

The rapid expansion of the New Zealand Army during the Second World War placed considerable demands upon its administrative and logistics systems. War Establishments and associated equipment tables became essential instruments for determining the personnel, vehicles, weapons, and supporting resources the expanding force required. A surviving collection of New Zealand Army Service Corps (NZASC) War Establishments for Home Defence, 1939–1945, offers a particularly useful illustration of the detail in these documents.[8]

The August 1940 War Establishment for a District Composite Company, NZASC, divided the organisation into headquarters, supply, ammunition and petrol sections, together with personnel permanently detached to support other formations and services. It recorded the authorised distribution of officers, warrant officers, non-commissioned officers, and other ranks, while separate tables identified the vehicles each element of the organisation required.[9]

An extract from the August 1940 War Establishment for a District Composite Company, NZASC. The establishment linked personnel, trades, vehicles and transport capacities to the organisation’s supply, ammunition and petrol distribution responsibilities, providing a structured basis for calculating its support requirements.

The transport schedules went beyond simply allocating vehicles. They distinguished between types and carrying capacities and identified their intended employment in transporting supplies, ammunition, petrol and other military stores. Individual subsections were assigned personnel and transport appropriate to their functions, and provision was made to support formations such as infantry brigades and medical units. The establishment therefore provided a structured description of logistics capability, linking authorised resources to the tasks the organisation was expected to perform.

It is important to distinguish the War Establishment from the equipment scales and stores entitlements that complemented it. The establishment defined the authorised organisation and its principal resources, while associated equipment documentation specified additional stores required to equip and sustain that organisation. Together, these publications provided a basis for determining requirements, assembling resources and assessing deficiencies. This distinction remains relevant to modern logistics information systems: organisational structures must connect to equipment configurations, actual holdings, consumption factors, and support arrangements before they can support a meaningful readiness assessment.

An earlier establishment shows the same logic applied to an expeditionary force. The September 1939 War Establishment for the Divisional Ammunition Company, NZASC (1st Echelon), was expressly based on British War Establishment II/1931/13/3 of August 1938, adapted for the Special Force. Its transport schedule allotted vehicles by ammunition nature (18-pounder, 4.5-inch howitzer, 2-pounder anti-tank, mortar, small-arms and anti-tank rifle ammunition, grenades and mines) as well as petrol, explosives, water and workshop loads. The establishment therefore embedded the division’s weapon systems within the company that sustained them. Its trade tables and notes went further, specifying workshop tradesmen, the numbers to be trained in first aid, water duties and anti-gas work, and dependencies on other units. Distribution lists prepared for the Ngaruawahia mobilisation camp then applied a 10 per cent reinforcement factor and carry annotations where duties were still being reconciled by hand.[10] The company was scaled to the equipment of the force it supported. As the Greek campaign would show, that alignment could not be assumed for every supporting organisation.

The Importance of Accurate Scaling: Greece, 1941

Even a well-established system’s limitations become apparent when the information used to determine requirements does not reflect the force being supported. The deployment of the New Zealand Division to Greece in 1941 provides an instructive example. The Scales Branch of the British Central Provisioning Organisation scaled Divisional Ordnance Field Parks centrally against a standard Middle East scale, set to represent 2.5 per cent of the supported division’s vehicles. The British Royal Army Ordnance Corps’ 1 Ordnance Field Park, attached to support the New Zealand workshops, held adequate Ford, 25-pounder and 2-pounder spares, but its vehicle spares had been scaled for Internationals and Crossleys. The New Zealand Division had no Internationals and only two Crossleys. A lack of consultation before the operation meant a sound scaling rule was applied to a fleet the Division did not hold.[11]

Consequently, part of the repair-parts holding was unsuitable for the vehicles requiring support. The problem was not the absence of a formal scaling system, but applying incorrect assumptions to the force being sustained. Transport capacity and storage space were committed to items of limited utility, while other requirements had to be met locally. After the withdrawal from Greece and Crete, the New Zealand Division formed its own Ordnance Field Park on 28 July 1941, initially with four officers, 81 other ranks and 27 three-ton lorries, holding fast-moving and essential motor-transport, weapon and signal spares for the Division’s own equipment. Its organisation was revised as the force changed: in November 1942 it was reorganised into holding, infantry and armoured sections to support the newly formed 4th Armoured Brigade.[12]

Alf Beale of the OFP sorting out his stock for the bin vehicle. Maadi Camp, October 1941. The New Zealand Divisional Ordnance Field Park was established in July 1941 to hold essential repair parts for the Division’s own vehicles, weapons and equipment. Its formation followed experience in Greece, where centrally determined spare-parts holdings did not adequately reflect the New Zealand Division’s vehicle fleet. Photo W.W Thomas.

This experience illustrates a principle fundamental to modern logistics management: a calculation can be mathematically correct, but its result operationally unsuitable if the information or assumptions on which it is based are inaccurate. Computers and AI do not remove this limitation; their speed may instead allow incorrect assumptions to be applied more widely and with greater apparent authority.

From Wartime Enumeration to Post-War Entitlement Control

After the Second World War, military equipment became increasingly complex, placing greater demands on the systems used to define and account for authorised holdings. Earlier War Equipment Tables, including the G1098 system, effectively established quantities against a unit’s authorised organisation, but were less suited to maintaining the integrity of increasingly complex equipment systems comprising components, accessories, tools, publications, and associated repair parts.[13]

By the late 1950s and early 1960s, the New Zealand Army was developing a more integrated approach to equipment entitlement and control. Drawing upon British and Commonwealth practices, the Army formalised a layered system incorporating New Zealand Entitlement Tables (NZET), New Zealand Complete Equipment Schedules (NZCES) and New Zealand Block Scales (NZBS). The NZET provided the authoritative record of a unit’s equipment entitlement, the NZCES defined components necessary to constitute complete equipment, and Block Scales enabled additional stores to be authorised according to particular roles or requirements.

A New Zealand Complete Equipment Schedule (NZCES) defined the components, accessories and associated items necessary to constitute a complete equipment system. Alongside entitlement tables and Block Scales, these schedules helped the New Zealand Army distinguish between possessing an item and holding the complete equipment necessary for its intended use.

Supporting maintenance and technical stores outfits, including First Aid Mechanical Transport Outfits (FAMTO) and First Aid Technical Stores Outfits (FATSO), further recognised that equipment possession alone did not constitute a sustainable capability. A vehicle’s usefulness depended on associated tools, documentation, and maintenance support, while changes to the authorised fleet could create corresponding requirements for repair parts and workshop resources. This marked an important shift from numerical allocation to managing complete, supportable equipment systems.

The 1965 Officers’ Handbook: Connecting Combat Formations and Logistics Support

An incomplete copy of a New Zealand Army Officers’ Handbook, dating from approximately 1965, further illustrates how these principles were applied to the organisation of a military force. The handbook describes a New Zealand Infantry Brigade Group and Logistic Support Group, supported by organisational diagrams and tables that identify personnel strengths, vehicles, and principal equipment. Because the surviving copy is incomplete, it should be read as evidence of the documented force model rather than proof that every organisation was established at full strength.[14]

Within the Infantry Brigade Group, combat and combat support units were accompanied by specialist logistics organisations, including an RNZASC Transport Company, an RNZAOC Ordnance Field Park, an RNZEME workshop and an RNZAMC Field Ambulance. The handbook’s entry for the RNZASC Transport Company describes four transport platoons, a composite platoon and workshop support, with an establishment of 11 officers and 307 other ranks, together with vehicle and trailer allocations.[15]

The Logistic Support Group extended beyond the brigade’s immediate requirements. Its organisation included transport companies, supply units, petrol distribution, air supply, cold storage, field bakery facilities, engineering support and medical services. The diagrams show that a force’s requirements could not be determined solely from its combat units: these generated corresponding demands for transport, fuel, ammunition, maintenance, medical support and numerous other services.[16]

The New Zealand Army’s Officers’ Handbook of approximately 1965 illustrated the relationship between combat formations and the organisations required to sustain them. The documented Logistic Support Group included transport, supply, petrol distribution, bakery, maintenance and other services, demonstrating how force structure generated corresponding logistics requirements.

The handbook therefore provides a useful example of an interconnected military information system. A formation’s organisational structure established the basis for personnel and principal equipment requirements, while associated entitlement schedules, technical publications, and planning factors supplied the information needed to calculate its wider support needs. Although recorded on paper, these relationships can now be represented in a digital information environment.

When Established Requirements Meet Political Constraints: Australia in Vietnam

The 1965 Officers’ Handbook records the documented model of a brigade group supported by its own Logistic Support Group. The Australian deployment to South Vietnam the following year shows what can happen when a deployed force departs from such a model. The existence of an established logistics organisation and its associated equipment scales does not mean that the resources needed to sustain a force will be authorised or deployed. Governments and commanders must reconcile military requirements with political commitments, personnel ceilings, funding and competing operational priorities. A critical distinction therefore exists between the doctrinal requirement, the approved establishment and the support capability actually available.

Ian R. Finlayson’s study of Australian Army logistics in South Vietnam illustrates the consequences. In planning the deployment of the 1st Australian Task Force (1ATF) in 1966, Australia established the 1st Australian Logistic Support Group (1ALSG), rather than deploying the supporting organisation already envisaged in earlier Army force structures. Planners assumed that American logistics could supply much of the support and consequently allocated 937 positions to 1ALSG from a deployed Army strength of 4,225. The decision favoured combat manpower but left the national logistics organisation constrained and dependent on external arrangements.[17]

The difficulties were not simply a question of supply quantities. American materiel was obtained through particular depots, agreements and liaison channels; the Australian organisation still had to request, collect, move and distribute it. Finlayson also describes restrictions on 1ALSG headquarters’ authority to direct technical logistics functions. Access to allied supply therefore did not remove national responsibilities for control, distribution, maintenance, or managing shortages.[18]

The lesson is not that coalition support should be avoided. For a smaller force, it is indispensable. Rather, reductions from an established logistics scale should be explicit, with the resulting shortfalls linked to confirmed arrangements, responsible providers, delivery capacity and contingency measures. A logistics system should show both the authorised force and the support it would require under the applicable doctrinal model, rather than treating the smaller approved establishment as proof that the requirement has disappeared.

The broader failure to avoid is losing institutional memory between deployments. If force-structure decisions, supply dependencies and operational lessons remain in disconnected reports or personal experience, future planners may have to reconstruct risks already encountered. An integrated enterprise system should compare doctrinal requirements with approved and actual establishments, identify deficiencies, record whether allied or contracted support is confirmed or merely assumed, and allow logisticians to explore the consequences of support failing or operational demands increasing.

These considerations were not confined to Vietnam. New Zealand’s commitments in Malaya, Borneo, Somalia and East Timor each required logistics organisations to reconcile national requirements with the support available through allied, multinational or host-nation arrangements. The operating environments, national responsibilities and degrees of reliance upon external support differed, but the underlying planning questions remained consistent: what support must New Zealand provide itself, what can reliably be obtained from others, and what risks arise when the approved support organisation falls short of the assessed requirement? The historical record of these deployments offers an opportunity to examine whether lessons about force scaling, national support responsibilities and dependency management were carried forward into subsequent planning.

Somalia, 1992–1994: When Operational Requirements Outgrow Equipment and Support Arrangements

New Zealand’s deployment to Somalia between 1992 and 1994 further illustrates the difference between equipping a military organisation according to established arrangements and ensuring its resources remain suitable for the circumstances in which it operates. Initially deployed as a 28-person Supply Detachment, the New Zealand contribution expanded in July 1993 into a 43-person Supply Platoon, incorporating an infantry section as the security situation deteriorated. The contingent’s responsibilities included managing general stores at Mogadishu Airport and supporting food distribution through the port, in conjunction with the United Nations-contracted catering organisation.[19]

New Zealand Army logisticians serving with the United Nations operation in Somalia, 1992–1994, worked in an environment where changing security conditions and multinational supply responsibilities placed demands on personnel, equipment and transport beyond those initially anticipated. The deployment illustrated the importance of adapting established support arrangements to operational realities.

Although established primarily to perform supply functions, the contingent operated in an increasingly hostile environment. Personnel carried standard New Zealand Army small arms and light fragmentation vests, while transport relied largely on commercially derived, unarmoured vehicles. As the threat increased, restrictions upon ground movement sometimes required the use of helicopters to maintain access to United Nations locations. These circumstances show how changes in operational conditions can create requirements beyond those anticipated when a force is initially equipped and deployed.[20]

The contingent’s personal equipment provides an equally instructive example. Standard load-carrying webbing proved impractical for many vehicle-based and supply duties, encouraging personnel to adopt alternative arrangements for carrying ammunition and essential equipment. The fragmentation vest offered limited protection against the threats encountered, while some New Zealand personnel serving at United Nations headquarters from 1994 gained access to more capable body armour. Such adaptations illustrated the difference between possessing authorised equipment and having equipment appropriately configured for the actual operating environment.[21]

The broader significance lies in the relationship between force structure, equipment entitlement, operational suitability and changing circumstances. A system that compares an approved establishment with actual holdings would provide only part of the picture. Effective logistics planning must also consider the tasks personnel undertake, the threats they face, the suitability of their equipment, and the changing resources required to sustain operations. An integrated ERP environment, supported by validated rules and AI-assisted analysis, could help identify these differences, flag emerging deficiencies, and preserve the operational lessons that should inform subsequent equipment scales and deployment planning.

Beyond Equipment Tables: The Wider Science of Logistics Planning

The examples examined so far represent only a snapshot of the military’s historical system of equipment establishments and entitlements. Over time, a much wider range of specialised tables, scales and planning factors was developed to address the increasingly complex requirements of military operations. Ammunition scales established initial holdings, expenditure assumptions, and replenishment requirements; repair parts scales identified components needed to maintain equipment; and fuel consumption tables enabled estimates based on vehicle types, operating conditions, distances travelled, and anticipated activity.

Other planning instruments addressed ration requirements, water consumption, transportation capacity, accommodation, medical support and casualty estimates. Although the publications served different purposes, the underlying principle remained consistent: a known military organisation, equipped for a particular task and operating under defined conditions, generated measurable requirements that could be calculated through established relationships and assumptions.

These requirements were not necessarily fixed. They could be adjusted according to the duration of an operation, terrain, climate, anticipated intensity of activity and transport availability. This was the science and art of scaling military logistics: the science lay in applying established quantities, rates, and relationships, while the art lay in exercising professional judgement to ensure the resulting requirements reflected operational realities. This combination offers considerable potential for future AI applications.

Project Convergence 2026: Scaling the Digitised Battlefield

The development of scales and planning factors is not complete. New equipment continues to create requirements for which established scales do not yet exist, as New Zealand’s participation in Project Convergence Capstone 6 (PCC6), a US-led programme of multinational experimentation conducted in 2026, demonstrated. Newly released New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) briefings describe a battlefield increasingly characterised by persistent surveillance, uncrewed systems, autonomous sensor fusion, machine-assisted decision-making and connected communications. They also identify specialist technical skills as necessary to employ and sustain increasingly complex autonomous capabilities. The significance for military logistics is not simply the arrival of new equipment: each additional system creates new requirements for personnel, power, repair, replacement, data connectivity and distribution.[22]

Electrical power provides a particularly clear example. The NZDF findings identify power generation and energy resilience as increasingly important operational considerations, with battery consumption, replacement, charging cycles and sustainment requiring deliberate planning at tactical levels. An August 2026 US Army study similarly describes electrical power as an emerging fifth commodity, alongside ammunition, food, fuel and water. For a force deploying uncrewed aircraft, sensors, electronic warfare equipment and networked command systems, equipment entitlements alone are insufficient. A credible support calculation must also establish electrical loads, battery endurance, the number and compatibility of spare batteries, charging capacity, power-generation fuel, movement arrangements and safe storage and handling. These are modern equivalents of the weights, capacities, repair-parts allowances and consumption factors recorded in earlier equipment scales.[23]

PCC6 also highlighted the potential to forward-produce small uncrewed aircraft systems through additive manufacturing and commercial technologies. Such arrangements might shorten the route between damage, replacement and renewed operational availability, but do not remove the need for material stocks, suitable components, skilled personnel, quality assurance and safe power supplies. The same briefings emphasise that common data standards are fundamental to meaningful interoperability, regardless of the platforms employed, and note the close alignment observed between the New Zealand and Australian armies. For logistics information systems, this reinforces the importance of consistent item identification, equipment configurations, authoritative planning factors and exchangeable information across national and allied systems.[24]

New Zealand and United States personnel prepare an RQ-7 Shadow uncrewed aircraft during Exercise Wayfinder 24 at Waiouru in 2024. Systems of this type illustrate how modern military equipment creates additional logistics requirements for electrical power, batteries, specialist maintenance, technical personnel and supporting infrastructure.
Source: NZDF, Exercise Wayfinder 24

These lessons also expose a practical distinction between acquiring a technological capability and sustaining it. The NZDF briefings recommend better alignment of robotic and autonomous-system initiatives to reduce duplication and improve supportability; they also show why experimentation should test the full support chain rather than equipment performance in isolation. The historical question remains recognisable: what resources does a specified force require, under particular operational conditions, for a defined period? The modern answer must include electricity, software-dependent systems and information exchange alongside the more familiar demands for fuel, ammunition, maintenance and transport.[25]

The same briefings also record more familiar support shortfalls. Accommodation was poorly coordinated; personnel had to buy their own cleaning materials to prepare equipment for Customs inspection on return; and the contingent lacked some of the technology needed to take full part in planned experimentation, reducing the opportunity to collect meaningful trial data. None of these requirements was novel. Cleaning stores for return inspection are precisely the kind of predictable, activity-specific need that a Block Scale or camp-equipment table was designed to capture, in the same way that the 1939 Ordnance Manual separated accommodation stores from a unit’s war equipment. The equipment, batteries, chargers and power generation needed to take part in a technology-focused exercise could likewise have been derived from the activity’s intended tasks. Had these requirements been held as an activity scale and checked against holdings before departure, with AI used to interpret the exercise plan, identify the applicable scales and flag items for which no entitlement or holding existed, many of these shortfalls could have been identified and resolved in New Zealand rather than discovered in the field. The NZDF’s own recommendation, that capabilities be tested in New Zealand before deployment, points in the same direction.[26]

Digitisation: What Was Gained and What Was Lost?

The introduction of computerised logistics systems fundamentally changed how military organisations recorded, processed and managed information. Electronic accounting systems were developed to reduce the considerable administrative burden of manual ledgers, requisitions, stock movements, and equipment reconciliation. These systems progressively evolved into enterprise resource planning (ERP) platforms, improving transaction processing, stock visibility, financial accountability and reporting.

However, the technological limitations of early systems meant that many established logistics functions were transferred into electronic form without fundamentally changing their operation. Equipment tables, entitlement schedules and accounting procedures often became electronic equivalents of their paper predecessors. Although information was easier to record and retrieve, relationships between establishments, equipment entitlements, operational requirements and sustainment calculations still required manual interpretation.

This distinction between computerisation and genuine digital transformation is important. A system might accurately record the quantity of equipment held by a unit without determining whether that equipment was complete, serviceable or sufficient for a particular mission. The information existed, but the functionality needed to turn it into an integrated assessment of operational capability was often missing.

Successive generations of ERP systems have improved database architecture, integration, workflows and reporting, enabling more dynamic relationships between inventory, procurement, maintenance and financial functions. Nevertheless, the full benefits of digitisation have not always been realised. Reports must still be downloaded, combined with other datasets and manipulated to meet mission-specific requirements, while resulting demands may require separate manual transactions.

Administrative effort has therefore been reduced, not eliminated. Tasks once performed by reconciling paper publications are now undertaken through electronic reports, spreadsheets and supplementary tools. Further integration, rules-based automation, and artificial intelligence offer the opportunity to move beyond recording and displaying information to dynamically calculating requirements, identifying deficiencies, and supporting operational decisions.

Working Around the System: The Excel Problem

A persistent feature of modern logistics information management is the reliance upon Microsoft Excel to supplement enterprise systems. Information is extracted from authoritative databases, reorganised, reconciled and manipulated in spreadsheets to produce reports and calculations suited to particular operational requirements. Spreadsheets remain valuable analytical tools, but routine extraction because the enterprise system cannot combine its own data may indicate incomplete digital integration.

For example, an ERP system may contain information on a unit’s equipment entitlements, actual holdings, serviceability, repair parts, ammunition allocations and consumption rates. Yet these datasets may be available only through separate reports rather than as a single assessment of the resources required for an exercise or deployment. Logisticians must retrieve the information, reconcile differences, apply planning factors and construct supplementary documents.

This process can create duplicate reports and standalone spreadsheets containing information already held within the enterprise environment. Locally maintained documents may incorporate assumptions and corrections that are not returned to the authoritative system. Changes in personnel strengths, equipment holdings or activity duration then require further manual reconciliation, increasing administrative effort and the possibility of inconsistencies.

The problem is not Excel itself, but the gap between information recorded in enterprise systems and the processes needed to convert it into operationally useful demands. A contemporary example is the New Zealand Army’s Catalogue Demand (CATDEM) process: its spreadsheet-based planning artefacts consolidate activity requirements, but the associated entitlement checks, demand interpretation and SAP transaction preparation remain substantially manual.[27]

AI, combined with conventional rules-based automation, could reduce repetitive data extraction, reconciliation and transaction preparation. The objective is not to eliminate spreadsheets, but to reserve them for genuine analysis rather than use them as essential workarounds for limitations in enterprise functionality.

Transferring the Burden of Logistics Calculation

The historical development of military equipment scales, entitlement tables and logistics planning factors reveals an important distinction between the knowledge contained within these publications and the effort required to apply it. The publications themselves represented accumulated institutional knowledge, progressively refined through operational experience and expressed as rules, relationships and calculations. However, the military logistician remained responsible for interpreting and applying that knowledge.

For generations, logisticians were required to consult multiple publications, establish the composition and equipment of a supported force, determine its entitlements, calculate consumption and maintenance requirements, identify deficiencies and translate the resulting information into demands for stores and services. The process required considerable professional knowledge, but much of the associated work was repetitive, administrative and computational.

In this respect, the paper-based system represented a form of institutional intelligence appropriate to its period. The rules and knowledge were already established; the human logistician supplied the processing capability necessary to apply them. As the preceding sections show, electronic accounting and ERP systems reduced this workload but did not remove it: many of the relationships between organisational structures, equipment entitlements, operational requirements and sustainment calculations still depend on manual interpretation and intervention.

The next stage in this evolution should be the progressive transfer of that computational and administrative burden to integrated enterprise systems, supported by rules-based automation and artificial intelligence. Authoritative establishments, equipment configurations, entitlement schedules, consumption factors and maintenance requirements should be maintained as connected information rather than isolated records requiring repeated manual reconciliation.

The objective should be to enable a logistician to establish the support requirements of a military activity or operation and receive a coherent assessment of the resources necessary to deliver that support. Such an assessment should identify what is authorised, what is required, what is available, what is serviceable, what remains deficient and what actions are necessary to close those deficiencies. It should also identify the transportation, maintenance, replenishment and other supporting arrangements required to sustain the force throughout the intended activity.

This does not remove the need for professional logistics judgement. Rather, it changes where that judgement is applied. Instead of spending substantial time assembling information and reconstructing established calculations, logisticians should focus on assessing the feasibility of support arrangements, resolving competing priorities, managing risk, and ensuring the required resources reach the right place at the right time.

The ultimate objective is not simply to provide more information to the logistician, but to make the full implications of an operational requirement visible, understandable and actionable.

Future ERP: Reconnecting Military Entitlements and Operational Logistics

The New Zealand Defence Force’s Future Enterprise Resource Planning (Future ERP) Programme provides a particularly relevant contemporary development in this longer history. The programme is intended to replace a fragmented ERP environment with an integrated enterprise-wide capability. In October 2026, NZDF procurement notices identified SAP S/4HANA and related SAP products as the intended solution, with separate procurement processes for systems integration, business integration and independent assurance. The transition is therefore more than a general aspiration to modernise accounting software; it is an opportunity to reconsider how information supports military readiness, deployment and sustainment.[28]

More significantly, a proactively released programme business case identifies “ERP for Defence, Paced for Success” as the preferred approach and explicitly favours SAP Defense & Security. It argues that this military-specific functionality provides operational planning, interoperability and readiness capabilities that a conventional corporate ERP solution cannot deliver. It also envisages rationalising numerous existing systems and ancillary tools. This shows a preferred programme direction, not that every module, workflow, or capability has been contracted, configured, or implemented.[29]

The distinction matters because SAP Defense & Security already contains functions closely related to the logic preserved in historical War Establishments and equipment scales. Its force-element model connects military organisational structures with authorised personnel and equipment, actual resources, maintenance, logistics and operational information. SAP’s published training materials describe authorised-versus-actual comparisons and the ability to initiate follow-on supply action from identified deficiencies. These are not speculative AI capabilities: they are established enterprise-system functions which, if properly configured and adopted, can provide much of the structured foundation on which more advanced decision support might operate.[30]

SAP S/4HANA Defense & Security provides military-specific functions for representing force structures, authorised personnel and equipment, and actual resources. Properly configured, these relationships can support readiness assessments and the identification of resource deficiencies. They also provide a structured foundation for automation and AI-supported logistics planning.

However, the existence of such functionality does not guarantee that the New Zealand Army’s entitlement policies, equipment configurations, activity-based demands, consumption factors, and deployment workflows will automatically operate as a coherent end-to-end process. Standard functionality must be mapped to national policy and military practice; master data must be corrected and governed; interfaces and workflows must be designed; and users must be trained to trust and employ the resulting system. Nor does an authorised-versus-actual equipment comparison, by itself, establish whether a force can sustain a specified operation for a given period. Serviceability, operational intensity, replenishment, maintenance capacity, transport constraints and the effects of disrupted communications must also be considered.

The system should also distinguish a doctrinal support requirement from the politically authorised establishment and the actual resources available. Allied, contracted and host-nation support should be represented as explicit dependencies, with the degree of assurance and consequences of failure visible to planners.

Future ERP therefore strengthens, rather than displaces, the argument advanced here. The rules-based foundation should be built first: the military-specific capabilities of SAP S/4HANA Defense & Security should be exploited rather than reproduced in separate applications or AI tools, so that AI can then be adopted with confidence on top of them. Artificial intelligence should be applied where it adds the most value: interpreting operational intent, retrieving relevant doctrine, exploring alternative scenarios, identifying anomalies, and explaining the consequences of changed assumptions. Approved entitlements, calculations, approvals and auditable transactions should remain under authoritative rules and human control. SAP also documents disconnected-operation capabilities, an important consideration for deployed forces, although the scope of any NZDF implementation remains to be established.[31]

Dividing Responsibilities Between ERP, Automation and AI

Realising the full potential of Future ERP will require a clear distinction between the functions performed by authoritative enterprise systems, conventional automation, artificial intelligence and military personnel. Not every logistics calculation or process requires AI. Many functions are better performed through established business rules, validated planning factors and integrated ERP workflows.

The following table illustrates how these responsibilities could be distributed within a future integrated military logistics environment.

CapabilityPrincipal responsibility
Authorised force structures and equipment entitlementsSAP Defense & Security and approved policy
Actual holdings, maintenance and serviceabilityERP and integrated source systems
Consumption factors and scaling calculationsGoverned planning rules and calculation engines
Identifying deficiencies and initiating demandsERP workflows and automation
Interpreting operational intent and exploring alternativesAI-supported decision tools
Prioritising resources and approving support arrangementsCommanders and logisticians

This division of responsibilities is important. Artificial intelligence should make the established logistics system easier to use, more responsive, and better able to support complex operational decisions. It should not become an alternative source of entitlement policy or an unaccountable calculation engine.

In this arrangement, calculation and administration increasingly shift from the individual logistician to the enterprise system, while professional judgement, prioritisation, and accountability remain firmly with military personnel.

Artificial Intelligence: Applying Institutional Logistics Knowledge

Artificial intelligence offers an opportunity to reconsider how military logistics information is organised, connected and used. Its greatest potential in this context lies not simply in producing reports, but in reducing the manual effort required to convert authoritative information into operational requirements and decisions.

A future AI-enabled environment could draw upon approved establishments, equipment entitlements, complete equipment schedules, repair parts scales, maintenance information and current holdings to develop an integrated assessment of a proposed operation.

For example, a commander planning to deploy an infantry battalion could request an assessment of the equipment, ammunition, fuel, electrical power, battery charging, repair parts, transport and other resources required for a specified period. The system could compare authorised entitlements with actual holdings and serviceability, apply validated planning factors and identify deficiencies. Changes to duration, location, force composition or operational intensity could then be assessed without reconstructing each calculation in separate spreadsheets.

AI’s particular value lies in helping users express operational intent, interrogate information across systems, identify inconsistencies, explore alternative scenarios, and understand the resulting analysis.

Adoption should therefore be progressive, starting where the benefits are clearest and the risks easiest to control. Suitable first uses include interpreting activity requirements within the CATDEM process and preparing draft demands for human approval; testing how changes in duration, force composition, or operational intensity alter requirements; checking master data for inconsistent entitlements, missing configuration records, and unsuitable planning factors; and retrieving relevant doctrine, scales, and policy for planners. Each can be trialled against existing manual practice, including technical and logistics validation before deployment, measured, and widened as it proves reliable.

The New Zealand Army is comparatively well placed to test this approach. At 30 November 2025, it comprised 4,358 Regular Force personnel; an August 2025 audit population recorded 11,908 Regular Force and civilian personnel across the wider NZDF, excluding reservists.[32] [33] These categories and reporting dates differ, but they indicate the organisation’s relatively modest scale. Its compact structure and interconnected logistics functions could allow integrated logistics processes to be developed, tested and refined through controlled trials and progressive integration at a manageable scale. A compact force is not automatically easier to transform, and resources, data quality, change management and implementation discipline remain real constraints. Nevertheless, with sustained investment, sound data governance and careful testing, a successful military-specific ERP implementation complemented by carefully governed AI could let the New Zealand Army demonstrate a digital logistics approach useful well beyond its size.

The opportunity is therefore not merely to recover institutional knowledge represented by historical paper systems, but to realise more fully the benefits that electronic accounting and ERP systems have long sought to deliver: accurate, connected and responsive logistics information with less repetitive administration and more time for professional judgement.

Accurate Data: The Essential Foundation

Wider use of AI depends upon the quality of the information available to it. A system operating with incorrect assumptions, outdated configurations, incomplete stock records or unsuitable consumption factors may produce convincing but operationally unreliable answers. The danger is particularly significant where results are presented without identifying their sources, assumptions or limitations.

Users must be able to distinguish between authorised requirements, verified holdings, calculated estimates and assumptions introduced because information is unavailable. Effective implementation requires disciplined management of organisational structures, entitlements, configuration records, item identification, maintenance information, and planning factors, along with clear responsibility for amendment, approval, and version control.

Historical equipment tables and scales required amendment to remain aligned with the organisations and equipment they described. The same principle applies to digital successors. AI can speed up and increase the flexibility of analysis, but it cannot compensate for the absence of an authoritative, well-maintained information foundation.

Data quality is not only a precondition for AI, however; it is also one of the areas where AI can help most. Checking entitlements against equipment configurations, identifying holdings with no corresponding entitlement and flagging planning factors that no longer match the equipment in service are laborious tasks when done manually, yet they are precisely the checks that would have exposed the mismatch between 1 Ordnance Field Park’s holdings and the New Zealand Division’s vehicle fleet in 1941. Used in this way, AI does not have to wait for a perfect information foundation; it helps to build one.

Building User Trust and Preserving Professional Judgement

Successful AI adoption will depend as much on organisational confidence as on technological capability. Users must understand where the information originated, how calculations were performed, and which assumptions shaped the results. When a system identifies deficiencies or recommends changes to a support plan, logisticians must be able to examine the evidence and assess its operational suitability.

Reducing manual intervention should not mean removing professional oversight. A system may identify the need for additional transport capacity, repair parts, or fuel reserves, but commanders and logisticians must decide how to meet, prioritise, or adjust those requirements. AI should improve decision support rather than transfer accountability from military personnel to a computer system.

The ultimate measure of success will be whether commanders and logisticians trust system outputs sufficiently to use them in planning and operations without routinely reconstructing the analysis in separate spreadsheets.

Lessons Beyond Defence

Although this article focuses on military logistics, the problems it describes are not unique to the armed forces. Any organisation that must equip, maintain and sustain people and assets for a defined activity faces the same task of turning institutional knowledge into requirements. Hospitals hold standard instrument sets and ward stock levels; airlines, transport operators and utilities hold recommended spares scaled to their fleets; humanitarian agencies plan against standard quantities of water, food and shelter per person. In civilian terms, a Complete Equipment Schedule is a bill of materials and a Block Scale a set of par levels.

Several of the lessons drawn here therefore apply more widely. First, a sound scaling rule applied to the wrong data produces a confident but unsuitable result: an operator that introduces a new bus, aircraft or medical-device fleet without revising its spares holdings repeats the experience of 1 Ordnance Field Park in Greece. Second, computerisation is not transformation; an ERP implementation that moves transactions without the logic that connects them leaves people to rebuild that logic in spreadsheets. Third, the persistence of spreadsheets alongside an enterprise system signals incomplete integration rather than user failure, and corrections made in those spreadsheets seldom return to the authoritative record.

Fourth, organisations adopting a standard ERP platform generally gain more by using its established functions than by reproducing them in custom applications and should build that rules-based foundation before layering AI on top of it. Fifth, the division of responsibility set out earlier between enterprise systems, governed rules, AI and people applies almost unchanged to a hospital, a port or an infrastructure operator: AI should make the established system easier to use without becoming an unaccountable source of policy or calculation. Finally, codified knowledge is vulnerable when the people who understand it retire and the systems that replace them record only transactions. Capturing the logic of scaling, not merely its outputs, matters as much to a civilian enterprise as to an army.

For New Zealand, this point is especially relevant. Many public agencies and businesses operate at a scale comparable to the NZDF, use similar enterprise platforms and face the same shortage of specialist staff. A Defence implementation that shows how institutional knowledge can be made executable, governed and trusted could offer a practical model well beyond the military.

Conclusion

The evolution of military establishments, entitlement tables and logistics planning factors demonstrates that the principles underpinning modern information systems have a long history. From nineteenth-century equipment publications and early mobilisation scales to detailed NZASC War Establishments and the layered entitlement arrangements developed during the 1960s, military organisations refined their ability to translate force structures and operational requirements into measurable logistics demands.

These arrangements were not artificial intelligence in the modern sense, but represented a substantial body of codified institutional knowledge. Their effectiveness depended on relationships among personnel, equipment, authorised holdings, consumption, maintenance, and transportation, along with professional judgement in applying those relationships to specific circumstances.

Electronic accounting systems and ERP platforms substantially improved the administration and visibility of military resources. Yet technological limitations meant that many functions were initially computerised rather than fully integrated or automated. Despite successive improvements, manual intervention remains necessary to turn enterprise information into mission-specific requirements, frequently through supplementary spreadsheets and standalone reports.

AI, combined with improved system integration and rules-based automation, offers the means to address these remaining limitations. By connecting authoritative data, established planning factors and approved business rules, future systems could reduce repetitive administrative work, dynamically calculate requirements, identify deficiencies and compare alternative support arrangements. For a comparatively small force such as the New Zealand Army, carefully governed experimentation could also demonstrate approaches transferable to larger military organisations and to civilian enterprises facing the same problems.

The underlying principle remains unchanged. Whether a requirement is calculated from a printed War Establishment, a Complete Equipment Schedule, a spreadsheet or an AI-enabled system, the result’s reliability depends on the accuracy of the information and assumptions used. The Australian experience in Vietnam adds a further requirement: institutional knowledge must preserve not only the calculation of what a force needs, but also the risks accepted when those requirements are reduced or delegated to others. The task is therefore not to invent a new method of determining support requirements, but to transfer the work of applying an established one from the individual logistician to integrated enterprise systems. The Future ERP programme makes this immediate rather than theoretical: its prospective adoption of SAP S/4HANA Defense & Security offers a practical means of rebuilding the connections between organisation, entitlement, holdings, readiness and sustainment that paper-based systems once expressed in separate but related publications. The New Zealand Army should therefore treat AI not as an optional addition to Future ERP, but as a planned layer within it: adopted progressively, under governed data and human authority, and widened as trust is earned. Success should be measured not by owning a modern ERP platform or an AI tool, but by whether logisticians can move from a validated operational requirement to a complete, intelligible, executable, and auditable logistics response without reconstructing the process outside the system.

Military logistics support knowledge has been developed and refined over generations. The challenge now is to make that knowledge accessible, connected and executable within modern information systems. The objective is not to replace the military logistician, but to remove much of the administrative and computational burden, allowing professional expertise to be directed towards what matters most: ensuring that military forces receive the support they require, when and where it is needed.

Notes

[1] War Office, Army Equipment, 7 parts (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1861–66), especially parts 2–7. The surviving copies consulted include the volumes on artillery, engineers, Military Train, infantry, Commissariat and hospitals.

[2] War Office, Army Equipment, pt. 4, Equipment of the Military Train (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1865), introductory material and equipment returns.

[3] War Office, Army Equipment, pt. 6, Equipment of the Commissariat Staff Corps (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1865), illustrative field-force calculations.

[4] War Office, Equipment of the Commissariat Staff Corps, explanatory material accompanying the field-force estimates.

[5] War Office, Ordnance Manual (War), 1914 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1914), provisions on ordnance organisation, demands, supply and accounting.

[6] War Office, Ordnance Manual (War), 1939 (Melbourne: Arbuckle Waddell Pty Ltd, 1939), tables II–III.

[7] Robert McKie, “The Science and Art of Scaling,” To the Warriors Their Arms, 6 September 2025, https://rnzaoc.com/2025/09/06/the-science-and-art-of-scaling/.

[8] New Zealand Military Forces, War Establishments, New Zealand Army Service Corps, Home Defence, 1939–1945, surviving compilation supplied for this study; archival identification on the compilation cover requires verification.

[9] New Zealand Military Forces, “A District Composite Company, N.Z. Army Service Corps: War Establishment, August 1940,” in War Establishments, NZASC, Home Defence, 1939–1945, summary of personnel and transport schedules.

[10] New Zealand Military Forces, “Divisional Ammunition Company, N.Z.A.S.C. (1st Echelon): War Establishment, September 1939,” Special Force, 1939, based on British War Establishment II/1931/13/3, 24 August 1938, parts (i) personnel, (ii) transport, (iii) distribution of rank and file by trades and duties, and notes; with “1st Echelon Divisional Ammunition Company: Distribution of Personnel,” Mobilisation Camp, Ngaruawahia.

[11] Robert McKie, “NZ Divisional Ordnance Field Park 1941–1945,” To the Warriors Their Arms, 10 December 2018, https://rnzaoc.com/2018/12/10/nz-divisional-ordnance-field-park-1941-1945/, drawing on A. H. Fernyhough, History of the Royal Army Ordnance Corps 1920–1945 (1965), and J. S. Bolton, A History of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (1992); see also McKie, “The Science and Art of Scaling.” The 1 OFP scaling details should be checked against Fernyhough and the underlying campaign and ordnance records before publication.

[12] McKie, “NZ Divisional Ordnance Field Park 1941–1945,” citing 2NZEF, Organisation and War Establishments – Ordnance – Field (Archives New Zealand, 1941), and Bolton, A History of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps.

[13] Robert McKie, “From Wartime Enumeration to Layered Entitlement Control: Equipment Complexity, Scaling Logic, and the Reform of New Zealand Army Stores Accounting, 1945–1961,” To the Warriors Their Arms, 3 March 2026, https://rnzaoc.com/2026/03/03/from-wartime-enumeration-to-layered-entitlement-control/.

[14] New Zealand Army, Officers’ Handbook (undated, approximately 1965), incomplete copy supplied for this study, contents and parts 1–2. Publication date and status require verification.

[15] New Zealand Army, Officers’ Handbook, part 1, RNZASC Transport Company organisational and establishment tables.

[16] New Zealand Army, Officers’ Handbook, part 2, “NZ Logistic Support Group,” serial 31, organisation diagram and unit list.

[17] Ian R. Finlayson, Supporting the Commitment: Australian Army Logistics in South Vietnam, 1962–1973 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2026), 102–7.

[18] Finlayson, Supporting the Commitment, 153–65.

[19] Robert McKie, “New Zealand Supply Contingent Somalia,” To the Warriors Their Arms, 15 March 2017, https://rnzaoc.com/2017/03/15/new-zealand-supply-contingent-somalia/.

[20] McKie, “New Zealand Supply Contingent Somalia.”

[21] Robert McKie, “Uniforms and Equipment of the NZ Army Contingent in Somalia,” To the Warriors Their Arms, 5 February 2021, https://rnzaoc.com/2021/02/05/somalia-kit/.

[22] New Zealand Defence Force, “OIA-2026-5916 Convergence Capstone” (official information release, 2026), briefings on Project Convergence Capstone 6, https://www.nzdf.mil.nz/assets/Uploads/DocumentLibrary/OIA-2026-5916-Convergence-Capstone.pdf.

[23] New Zealand Defence Force, “OIA-2026-5916 Convergence Capstone,” findings on power generation, charging cycles and energy resilience; John Mabes, “Powering the Digitized Battlefield,” US Army Center for Army Lessons Learned, 28 August 2026, https://www.army.mil/article/294958/powering_the_digitized_battlefield.

[24] New Zealand Defence Force, “OIA-2026-5916 Convergence Capstone,” findings on common data standards, Australian interoperability and additive manufacturing for small uncrewed aircraft systems.

[25] New Zealand Defence Force, “OIA-2026-5916 Convergence Capstone,” institutional implications and recommendations concerning alignment of robotic and autonomous system initiatives and avoiding duplicated experimentation.

[26] New Zealand Defence Force, “OIA-2026-5916 Convergence Capstone,” findings and recommendations on accommodation, return-travel and Customs preparation, technology availability and pre-deployment testing; see also Phil Pennington, “Desert Wargames Tax Batteries, Feed Tech Wishlist,” RNZ, November 2026, https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/politics/2306252/desert-wargames-tax-batteries-feed-tech-wishlist.

[27] Robert McKie, Digitisation of CATDEM Within SAP to Enable Executable, Policy-Embedded Logistic Orchestration (unpublished concept paper, October 2026), secs. 3–6.

[28] New Zealand Defence Force, “Future ERP – System Integrator, Business Integrator, and Quality Assurance,” Government Electronic Tenders Service, October 2026, https://www.gets.govt.nz/NZDF/ExternalTenderDetails.htm?id=34952898.

[29] New Zealand Defence Force, “Future Enterprise Resource Planning Programme Business Case,” proactively released Cabinet material, 2025, especially the discussion of preferred Option 3 and SAP Defense & Security, https://www.nzdf.mil.nz/assets/Uploads/DocumentLibrary/EXP-25-MIN-0025_Future-Enterprise-Resource-Planning-Programme-Business-Case.pdf.

[30] SAP, “Explaining Force Elements and Force Element Structures,” SAP Learning, accessed 30 October 2026, https://learning.sap.com/courses/sap-s-4hana-defense-security-overview/explaining-force-elements-and-force-element-structures.

[31] SAP, “S/4HANA Defense & Security – Disconnected Operations,” SAP Help Portal, accessed 30 October 2026, https://help.sap.com/docs/SAP_S4HANA_ON-PREMISE/15e8d01f9c4e431a89bbb0864b47b17c/aba0ee1fee0143b68706455acbf580e2.html.

[32] New Zealand Defence Force, “Our People,” New Zealand Army, personnel figures as at 30 November 2025, https://www.nzdf.mil.nz/army/our-people/.

[33] Office of the Auditor-General, “Summary of Responses to Our Survey,” New Zealand Defence Force: Progress towards Eliminating Harmful Behaviour (2026), https://ao.parliament.nz/2026/nzdf-audit/our-survey-summary.htm.


Roy’s Log Cabin

A Commonwealth Drinking Hole in Post-war Japan.

Two recently located photographs offer a rare glimpse of Roy’s Log Cabin, a beer hall in Hiro, near Kure, Hiroshima Prefecture. Although little documentary information about the establishment has yet been found, the photographs and a surviving veteran’s recollection confirm that it catered to Allied servicemen during the early 1950s.

One photograph shows a large display of Commonwealth regimental and corps insignia inside the premises. An identifiable Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps badge is included, while what appears to be a Royal New Zealand Artillery badge can be seen in ther lower right of the board. Other badges may possibly represent the Royal New Zealand Army Service Corps and Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, although these identifications remain provisional.

The display provides tangible evidence that New Zealand servicemen were among the patrons of Roy’s Log Cabin and probably contributed insignia to its collection.

From occupation to the Korean War

The British Commonwealth Occupation Force arrived in Japan during 1946. Comprising formations and personnel from Australia, Britain, India and New Zealand, it supervised demilitarisation and maintained military control across a large area of western Japan. Its headquarters and principal administrative facilities were centred upon Kure, while substantial Army camps were established at nearby Hiro.

New Zealand’s contribution was known as Jayforce. More than 4,200 New Zealand soldiers arrived in Japan during March 1946, accompanied by approximately 280 personnel of No. 14 Squadron RNZAF. Jayforce was principally stationed in Yamaguchi Prefecture, but its personnel arrived through Kure and operated within the wider Commonwealth network of bases, transport routes and administrative organisations.

New Zealand withdrew Jayforce in 1948, but Hiro’s military importance did not end with the occupation. Following the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, the Kure–Hiro area became an important rear base supporting Commonwealth operations in Korea.

Kayforce established its New Zealand base at Hiro in June 1951. New Zealand personnel passed through the camp while travelling to and from Korea, receiving reinforcements, taking leave, undergoing treatment or awaiting repatriation. The expansion of Kayforce also included 10 Company RNZASC, which joined the Commonwealth Division in Korea during October 1951.

Hiro also housed the Japan Reinforcement Base Depot, or JRBD, which received and prepared British reinforcements for service in Korea. The depot occupied the former camp of 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment and operated alongside separate Australian and New Zealand reinforcement organisations.

Hiro consequently became a crossroads for British, Australian, Canadian and New Zealand servicemen. Around the military camps developed a collection of shops, laundries, restaurants and beer halls catering to this transient Commonwealth population.

Roy’s Log Cabin at Hiro, Japan. Its sign identifies the establishment as “Roy’s Log Cabin for Allied Forces”, confirming that it catered specifically to military personnel stationed in or passing through the Kure–Hiro area. Photographer and date unknown.

The exterior photograph shows a plain, two-storey, timber-clad building. Despite its name, it was not a log cabin in the conventional architectural sense. Its identity and intended clientele were proclaimed in large English lettering.

A badge or emblem appears above the lettering, although it cannot be identified confidently from the available image.

Roy’s Log Cabin was probably a Japanese-owned commercial beer hall close to the military camp rather than an official service canteen. Establishments of this kind offered servicemen somewhere to drink and socialise beyond the more regulated surroundings of their camps.

British Royal Signals soldier John Boyd provides the clearest surviving description. Boyd arrived in Japan in September 1952 and was taken to A Company, JRBD, at Hiro-machi. When he returned approximately a year later, he remembered:

“Nearby was the ‘Uncle Roys Log Cabin’ beer hall, with a laundry alongside which had the mispelt ‘Lanudry’ down its side.”

Boyd also recalled visiting other beer halls in Hiro and Kure, where he and his companions drank Kirin beer and Akadama wine.

His reference to “Uncle Roy’s Log Cabin” may preserve the establishment’s colloquial name, while the exterior photograph shows that its formal sign read simply “Roy’s Log Cabin”. His account confirms that the beer hall operated during 1952 and probably remained open in 1953.

It may have existed during the earlier occupation period, but no evidence has yet been located that securely places it in the late 1940s.

A wall of Commonwealth badges

The Commonwealth Forces badge board displayed at Roy’s Log Cabin. An identifiable New Zealand Artillery badge confirms a New Zealand connection. What appears to be an RNZAOC badge can be seen towards the upper-right, while other insignia may represent the RNZASC and RNZEME. These latter identifications remain provisional. Photographer and date unknown.

The interior photograph shows a large shield-shaped display headed “Roy’s Logcabin”. The words “Commonwealth Forces” surround an oversized central crown, while an assortment of cap badges, collar badges, shoulder titles and buttons fills the board.

Several British and Australian badges are recognisable. The words “Australia”, “REME” and “KSLI”—the King’s Shropshire Light Infantry—are visible, together with insignia belonging to artillery, engineer, infantry and service corps.

The identifiable New Zealand Artillery badge accords with Hiro’s role as Kayforce’s rear base. Personnel of 16th Field Regiment and its supporting organisations passed through the camp while travelling between New Zealand and Korea.

Towards the upper-right of the display is a badge that appears consistent with that of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps. Less distinct insignia may represent the Royal New Zealand Army Service Corps and Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers.

Caution is required because New Zealand corps badges were frequently derived from, and closely resembled, their British equivalents. Until a higher-resolution copy or the original display can be examined, the possible RNZASC and RNZEME badges should not be regarded as conclusively identified.

The origin of the collection is unknown. The badges may have been donated by visiting servicemen, exchanged as souvenirs or collected by the proprietor to decorate the establishment. Whatever the method, the board became an informal record of the regiments, corps and national contingents represented among Roy’s customers.

The logisticians behind Kayforce

Although the 16th Field Regiment was New Zealand’s principal combat formation in Korea, it depended upon a logistic system extending from New Zealand through Japan and into the Korean Peninsula. Guns, vehicles, ammunition, fuel, rations, clothing and technical stores all had to pass through this network.

The RNZASC connection is particularly credible because 10 Company RNZASC formed part of Kayforce’s expanded contribution to the Commonwealth Division. RNZAOC personnel provided ordnance stores, clothing, equipment and ammunition support, while RNZEME tradesmen maintained and repaired vehicles, weapons and technical equipment.

Members of these corps had ample reason to pass through the camps, depots and workshops of Hiro and Kure. The possible presence of their badges at Roy’s Log Cabin would therefore reflect the range of combat and supporting organisations required to sustain New Zealand’s contribution to the Korean War.

The badge display also illustrates an aspect of service life rarely captured in official histories. Soldiers did not exist only within unit lines, workshops and depots. They also occupied a wider social world of canteens, cinemas, restaurants and local bars. Roy’s Log Cabin was one such meeting place.

An informal military archive

The display at Roy’s Log Cabin can be compared with the better-known Hong Kong Bar in Chulia Street, George Town, Penang. The two establishments were separated by distance and circumstance, but both became drinking places for generations of British and Commonwealth servicemen.

The Hong Kong Bar opened in 1920 and became particularly associated with personnel serving at RAF and RAAF Butterworth, as well as visiting soldiers and sailors. The same family has operated it since the 1950s, and it has long displayed plaques, photographs, badges, medals, postcards, and other items left by its military patrons.

The proprietors of the Hong Kong Bar also created a photographic record of visiting groups. Thousands of photographs of servicemen and their families were collected, arranged in albums and displayed alongside unit plaques and other mementoes. Although many were lost when fire damaged the bar in 2004, the surviving collection has led to the establishment being described as an unofficial museum of the military presence in Penang.

For more than eighty years, the Hong Kong Bar has marked the passage of military visitors not through formal nominal rolls but through photographs, plaques and objects left behind. Personnel returned years later to find their younger selves, former comrades or unit insignia preserved within the bar.

Members of the New Zealand Advanced Ordnance Depot, Hong Kong Bar Penang, June 1988.

Roy’s Log Cabin appears to have served a comparable purpose on a smaller scale. Its badge board did not simply decorate the premises. It created a visual record of the Commonwealth units whose members had visited Hiro. Each badge represented an individual or group that had passed through the establishment, even though their names and the circumstances of their visits were not recorded.

The comparison demonstrates how an ordinary drinking establishment can unintentionally become an archive. Official records document formations, movements and operations; places such as Roy’s Log Cabin and the Hong Kong Bar preserve something different: the social memory of service, comradeship and time spent away from home.

A place between two worlds

To its customers, Roy’s Log Cabin was probably remembered primarily as somewhere to drink, meet friends and escape temporarily from military routine. Yet establishments of this kind occupied an important social space between the Allied forces and the local population.

Many of the servicemen passing through Hiro were young, far from home and either preparing for war or returning from active operations. Inside Roy’s Log Cabin, distinctions between regiments, corps and national contingents became temporarily less important. British, Australian, Canadian and New Zealand soldiers could meet beneath a shared display of badges in a Japanese establishment only a few years after the end of the Pacific War.

Beer halls were an established part of servicemen’s recreational life in the Kure–Hiro area. Veterans recalled visiting establishments in both towns, while official BCOF installations also contained regulated canteens, recreation rooms and beer halls. Kure, as the larger centre, offered restaurants, cinemas, shops and Kure House, whereas Hiro possessed its own smaller entertainment district serving the military camps.

Roy’s badge board captures the transition from occupation to alliance. The insignia represented armed forces assembled first to occupy a defeated Japan and subsequently to fight together in Korea. Arranged around the words “Commonwealth Forces”, they became an unofficial monument to the servicemen who passed through its doors.

A surviving fragment of social history

The later history of Roy’s Log Cabin is presently unknown. It is not known who “Roy” was, whether he was Japanese or a Commonwealth national, when the beer hall opened, or when it closed. Its exact location within Hiro has also yet to be established.

The photographs nevertheless confirm that Roy’s Log Cabin existed near the Commonwealth military camps, openly catered to Allied personnel and contained an extensive collection of military insignia. John Boyd’s recollection establishes that it operated during the early 1950s, while the New Zealand Artillery badge provides a direct connection to New Zealand service at Hiro.

Like the Hong Kong Bar in Penang, Roy’s Log Cabin preserved the memory of its military patrons through objects left behind. The Penang establishment survived to become a recognised repository of Commonwealth service memories; Roy’s appears to have disappeared, leaving only these photographs and scattered recollections.

That makes the surviving images particularly valuable. They record one of the informal places in which Commonwealth military life was lived during the transition from the occupation of Japan to the Korean War. They also provide a rare reminder that history survives not only in official files and unit war diaries, but on the walls of the bars where servicemen met, drank and left small traces of their passing.


12 July: Remembering the RNZAOC, Thirty Years On

Today, 12 July, would have been Corps Day for the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps. It also marks thirty years since the formation of the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment and, with it, the disestablishment of the RNZAOC. It is a fitting moment to look back, not with sentimentality but with appreciation for what the Corps actually was and what it left behind.

The RNZAOC was not lost so much as it moved into its next form. From the days of Henry Tucker onwards, the work of the Ordnance soldier was defined by one constant: continual adaptation. Its history is best understood not as that of a fixed institution that came to an end, but as one long process of change that continues today, under a different name.

Formed in war, tested by peace

The role of the Ordnance soldier expanded and contracted as the Army’s needs shifted around it. During the First World War, New Zealand Ordnance personnel served both at home and overseas, in Egypt, Gallipoli, Palestine, France, Belgium and the United Kingdom.

The interwar years brought progress alongside considerable uncertainty, including a period when the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps came close to ceasing to exist altogether.

Mechanisation and a widening trade

The Second World War forced rapid adaptation once more. Ordnance soldiers served in every theatre in which New Zealand forces took part, adjusting to the demands of increasingly mechanised warfare. Bath and laundry services, ammunition support and specialist technical functions all became central to the Corps’ work during this period.

The later transfer of the Technical Trades to the New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers fits the same pattern rather than breaking from it. As military technology and technical specialisation advanced, responsibilities moved to where they made most sense — a recurring feature of the Corps’ story, not an exception to it.

A peacetime Corps that kept changing

Adaptation did not stop when the wars ended. Territorial Force personnel became an integral part of the RNZAOC, and the increasingly specialised management of technical stores gave rise to the Auto Parts trade. The Ammunition Technician trade evolved alongside the operational environment and, by the 1970s, had become the Army’s centre of expertise in explosive ordnance disposal.

Further change followed: the integration of women from the Women’s Royal New Zealand Army Corps, and then the transfer of the RNZASC supply trades into the RNZAOC in 1979. Less visibly, Ordnance personnel also adapted to the gradual introduction of electronic stores-management systems, progressing from early mainframe systems to the networked logistics systems in use by 1996.

The Corps at its height

By the mid-1980s, the RNZAOC had reached its peak. 1 Base Supply Battalion was, at the time, regarded as one of the most complex warehouse operations in New Zealand. Supply Companies were located at Hopuhopu, Waiouru, Linton and Burnham. Separately, stores sections were integrated within each RNZEME workshop, while an Advance Ordnance Depot maintained a New Zealand presence in Singapore. It was a Corps operating at scale, both at home and abroad.

That scale did not last. With the end of the Cold War came a peace dividend, and with it a gradual reduction in the size and reach of the Corps through the late 1980s and into the 1990s. This, too, was adaptation rather than decline for its own sake, the Corps reshaping itself to match a changed strategic environment, as it always had.

Towards Formed Deployments

RNZAOC soldiers had already deployed on operations in Korea, Malaya, Malaysia and South Vietnam, and others had served individually on peacekeeping missions. The 1990s added a further dimension, as Ordnance soldiers began deploying on operations as formed contingents, beginning with a Supply Detachment to Somalia, followed by two platoons, a shift that reflected both New Zealand’s changing military commitments and the increasingly integrated role of logistics support.

A Corps Spanning Generations

When the RNZAOC was disestablished in 1996, its youngest member was 17 years old and its oldest was 55. That span was more than a statistic. It represented a Corps that connected multiple generations of officers and soldiers, from those trained in long-established manual systems to those entering an increasingly digital and integrated logistics environment, within a single institution, at a single moment.

Continuity, Not Loss

The formation of the RNZALR did not erase the RNZAOC’s history; it became the next stage in a much longer process of adaptation. Titles, structures and trades changed, but the essential purpose held: to provide the Army with the equipment, ammunition, technical support and supply services needed to train, deploy and operate.

Thirty years on, the most fitting way to remember the RNZAOC is not to mourn its passing, but to recognise its enduring legacy, carried forward today within the RNZALR, particularly through its Supply trade. Adaptation was never evidence of weakness or decline. It was, and remains, one of the Corps’ defining strengths.


Mackesy’s Warning

Modernisation, Mobilisation, and Early Integrated Logistics Thinking in the New Zealand Army

In May 1939, Major-General P. J. Mackesy, C.B., D.S.O., M.C., submitted his report on the Military Forces of New Zealand. Prepared after a short but intensive inspection, the report has not acquired the same place in New Zealand defence history as the earlier assessments associated with Scratchley, Jervois, Fox, Babington, or Kitchener. Those reports, and the reforms or controversies that followed them, are comparatively well recorded. Mackesy’s report, by contrast, remains less visible, despite being written only months before the outbreak of the Second World War and despite its clear relevance to New Zealand’s final pre-war military preparations.

Read in isolation, Mackesy’s report appears to belong to the pre-war world of Imperial defence planning, Territorial Force mobilisation, coast defence, ammunition reserves, mechanisation, and ordnance services. Yet when considered against the principles of modern capability management and Integrated Logistics Support (ILS), it reveals something more enduring. Mackesy did not create integrated logistics thinking in the New Zealand Army, nor did he use the terminology of modern ILS. Rather, his report provides an early and clear example of the same underlying logic, that equipment, ammunition, personnel, training, storage, mobilisation, reserves, finance, procurement lead times, accommodation, and technical support had to be treated as connected parts of one military capability system.

This distinction matters. Mackesy was not arriving to modernise an entirely dormant Army. By 1939, the New Zealand Army was already in the throes of modernisation. Modern equipment had been ordered, some had arrived, and the Army staff were attempting to keep pace with contemporary British doctrine, mechanisation, mobilisation planning, and the implications of modern weapons. The problem was not total inactivity, but incompleteness. Mackesy’s significance lay in reinforcing an existing direction of travel, exposing the remaining gaps, and turning modernisation from a matter of equipment acquisition into a whole-force capability problem.

The later expansion of the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (NZAOC) demonstrates why that distinction matters. By 1942, the Ordnance Depot and Ordnance Workshops establishments had both been expanded and treated as Dominion establishments. In other words, manpower was managed nationally across New Zealand rather than permanently assigned to a single depot or workshop. The depot system provided the national machinery for receipt, accounting, storage, issue, and distribution, while the workshop system provided the technical capacity for inspection, repair, modification, maintenance, and specialist support. This wartime growth shows that the support problem Mackesy identified was not theoretical. Once modern equipment, ammunition, vehicles, and technical stores entered service, the Army had to build the support organisation beneath them. In modern ILS terms, the Mission System forced the Support System to expand.

The modern NZDF ILS Capability Management Handbook describes ILS as critical to cost-effective planning, integration, optimisation of through-life support, and the sustainment of safe capability. It links ILS to affordability, Whole-of-Life Cost awareness, preparedness, availability, and Defence resilience. Mackesy was not applying that formal framework in 1939, but his method, and the Army’s subsequent treatment of Recommendations 42 and 43, anticipated many of its principles.

This article, therefore, does not argue that Mackesy invented modern ILS, nor that his report can be used as a direct measure against contemporary logistics practice. Rather, it argues that Mackesy’s report provides a historically useful example of integrated logistics thinking before the term existed. It also offers contemporary logisticians a professional reminder, not a judgment, that military capability is only credible when the support system beneath it is understood, resourced, tested, and sustained.

Put simply, Mackesy was asking whether the Army’s equipment, people, stores, transport, workshops, training and facilities could work together as a real wartime system.

For readers unfamiliar with modern logistics terminology, the central idea is simple. A military capability is more than the equipment listed on an inventory. It also depends on the people trained to use it, the ammunition and spares held for it, the facilities that store and maintain it, the transport that moves it, and the systems that account for and sustain it. Modern ILS gives that idea a formal structure. Mackesy’s report shows that the same logic was already evident in the New Zealand Army’s planning in 1939.

Major-General P. J. Mackesy and the circumstances of the report

Major-General Pierse Joseph “Pat” Mackesy, C.B., D.S.O., M.C., was a senior British Army officer of the Royal Engineers and a decorated veteran of the First World War. He was commissioned into the Royal Engineers in 1902, served in a range of operational and staff appointments, and by the late 1930s was an experienced Imperial officer with a professional background in command, training, mobilisation, and military organisation. His standing mattered because he was not a casual visitor or political commentator, but a senior officer able to assess New Zealand’s forces against contemporary British military practice.

Major-General Pierse Joseph “Pat” Mackesy, C.B., D.S.O., M.C., photographed in 1937, two years before he was asked to report on the Military Forces of New Zealand. Image: Walter Stoneman, National Portrait Gallery, London

His report on the Military Forces of New Zealand was prepared at the request of His Majesty’s Government in New Zealand after the Pacific Defence Conference. The United Kingdom authorities made his services available to the New Zealand Government for a few weeks, and he began his investigations in Auckland on Monday, 1 May 1939. By 22 May 1939, he had submitted his report to Army Headquarters, Wellington.[1]

Mackesy was careful to acknowledge the limits of his inquiry. He stated that it was impossible for one individual, in only three weeks, to investigate in detail all the activities and points of importance connected with the military forces of a country the size of New Zealand. Nevertheless, he had sought to obtain a fair and thorough general view of the problems involved. He also emphasised that his recommendations would require careful investigation before any action could be taken.[2]

He also made clear that the report was not an official British Government or War Office directive. The opinions, views, and recommendations were his own, and he alone was responsible for them. This gave the report a direct and candid tone. Mackesy told the Prime Minister that he understood plain and honest words were required, but he also stressed that where he criticised what he found, he did not intend criticism of individuals or groups. His purpose was to look at conditions as they existed and suggest how they could reasonably be improved.[3]

The timing was significant. The report was written only months before the outbreak of the Second World War, at a moment when the deteriorating international situation was testing New Zealand’s defence assumptions. Mackesy’s task was therefore not academic. He was examining whether the New Zealand Army, particularly its Territorial Force, mobilisation arrangements, equipment, ammunition reserves, training system, accommodation, and ordnance services, could meet the demands likely to be placed upon it in war.

Mackesy in the tradition of British defence inspection reports

Mackesy’s 1939 report also sits within a longer tradition of British officers inspecting, advising upon, and reporting on New Zealand’s defences. He was not the first senior Imperial or British officer to examine the country’s military arrangements, nor was his report an isolated event. From the late nineteenth century onward, New Zealand had repeatedly looked to British professional military expertise to assess its defence organisation, coastal protection, volunteer forces, mobilisation arrangements, and military efficiency.

Among the better-known examples were Major-General Sir Peter Henry Scratchley and Major-General Sir William Francis Drummond Jervois, whose work on colonial defence helped shape the port and coastal defence systems of Australia and New Zealand in the late nineteenth century.[4]

The pattern continued with Lieutenant-Colonel Francis John Fox, appointed Commandant of the New Zealand Permanent Militia in 1892. Fox inspected the Volunteer Force and produced a highly critical 1893 report, which caused a public and political stir for its uncompromising comments on the force’s condition and officers’ fitness for command.[5] Major-General Sir James Melville Babington, Commandant of the New Zealand Defence Forces from 1902, also produced formal reports on the Defence Forces of New Zealand.[6] Field Marshal Horatio Herbert Kitchener, 1st Earl Kitchener, later inspected New Zealand’s forces during his 1910 tour, contributing to the defence reform debate around compulsory military training and the wider reorganisation of Dominion defence.[7]

These earlier inspections and reports are reasonably well recorded in New Zealand defence history. Their recommendations, political reception, and subsequent reforms are traceable through parliamentary papers, newspapers, biographies, and later historical writing.

Mackesy’s report is different. Although it was prepared at a critical moment, only months before the outbreak of the Second World War, it appears to have attracted comparatively little sustained attention. The surviving archival record confirms that Mackesy submitted a formal report on the Military Forces of New Zealand on 22 May 1939, and that a later file addressed Recommendations 42 and 43, concerning modern equipment and ammunition reserves. Yet compared with Scratchley, Jervois, Fox, Babington, and Kitchener, there is a noticeable dearth of readily accessible secondary discussion on Mackesy’s findings and their subsequent influence. One possible reason is timing: war intervened almost immediately, shifting attention from broad reform to urgent mobilisation. Another may lie in Mackesy’s later wartime reputation. Within a year of advising New Zealand, Mackesy was associated with the controversial Norwegian campaign and was recalled after his handling of the Narvik operation enraged Prime Minister Winston Churchill. According to later accounts, Mackesy refused to commit his troops to what he considered “the sheer bloody murder” of an “arctic Gallipoli”, prompting Churchillian accusations of “feebleness and downright cowardice”. Although he avoided court-martial, Mackesy never again held field command.[8] While there is no clear evidence that New Zealand consciously suppressed or distanced itself from Mackesy’s report for that reason, his subsequent fall from favour may have made him a less convenient figure to acknowledge publicly.

That relative silence is significant. Mackesy’s report came at the hinge point between peacetime economy and wartime mobilisation. Unlike some earlier reports, it was not followed by a long period of public debate or gradual reform. The declaration of war rapidly overshadowed the broader recommendations, and attention appears to have narrowed to the most immediately actionable parts of the report, especially Recommendations 42 and 43 on modern equipment and ammunition reserves.[9] The follow-up papers show that these recommendations were implemented as a programme covering ammunition reserves, modern fighting and technical equipment, and the magazine, garage, and storage accommodation required to support them.[10]

For that reason, Mackesy’s report deserves to be recovered and re-examined. It belongs in the same broad tradition as Scratchley, Jervois, Fox, Babington, and Kitchener, but its significance lies in its timing. It was a final pre-war external assessment of the New Zealand Army before the demands of the Second World War forced theory into action. Its relative neglect has obscured the degree to which the Army’s wartime mobilisation priorities, especially modern equipment, ammunition reserves, mechanisation, and storage, were already being framed through a recognisably integrated logistics lens.

A report on the Army as a system

The structure of Mackesy’s report is revealing. Its table of contents moved beyond narrow questions of manpower or equipment and examined Regular Forces, the Territorial Force, the Special Reserve, Cadet Units, training, accommodation, mobilisation preparations, mechanisation, modern fighting equipment, ammunition, trained reserves, publicity, ordnance services, and financial administration.[11]

This breadth is important. In modern capability language, Mackesy was examining a range of inputs that would now be recognised across the PRICIE construct. The NZDF ILS Handbook describes PRICIE as the fundamental inputs to capability, covering Personnel, Research and development, Infrastructure and organisation, Concepts, doctrine and collective training, Information technology, and Equipment, logistics and resources.[12]

Mackesy did not use that vocabulary, but his report covered many of the same areas. He did not treat modern equipment as a stand-alone answer. He saw that equipment without trained personnel, ammunition, storage, transport, maintenance, and mobilisation arrangements did not constitute real military capability.

Mackesy’s central concern was that New Zealand’s military arrangements gave the appearance of a force without necessarily providing the substance of one. His analysis was rooted in a simple but enduring question:

Could the New Zealand Army actually perform the tasks expected of it in war?

He concluded that, under existing conditions, it could not do so with confidence.

Mission System and Support System

The modern NZDF ILS Handbook describes capability from an ILS perspective as the combination of a Mission System and a Support System. The Mission System is the part of the capability that directly performs the operational function, such as aircraft, ships, armour, communications, or, in Mackesy’s case, modern weapons and vehicles. The Support System is the totality of support infrastructure, resources, services, people, processes, and systems that enable the Mission System to be supported and operational objectives to be achieved.[13]

This distinction helps explain why Mackesy’s report remains relevant. His concern was not only that the New Zealand Army lacked sufficient modern Mission Systems, such as contemporary weapons, vehicles, and technical equipment, but also that the supporting system around them was incomplete. Ammunition reserves, trained personnel, mobilisation depth, magazines, garages, stores, training arrangements, and sources of supply all had to be provided if modernisation was to become a real capability.

In modern ILS terms, Mackesy was not simply asking, “What equipment does the Army need?” He was asking, “What system of support is required to make that equipment usable, sustainable, and available in war?”

The modern ILS view of capability as a Mission System supported by an integrated Support System. Although Mackesy did not use this terminology in 1939, his report considered many of the same elements, including personnel, training, equipment, ammunition, reserves, storage, transport, facilities, and supply.

Not modernisation from a standing start

It is important not to overstate Mackesy’s role as though he arrived in New Zealand to instruct an entirely dormant Army to modernise from scratch. By 1939, the New Zealand Army was already in the throes of modernisation. The process was slow, constrained by finance, dependent on British supply, and uneven in its results, but it was real. Since the mid-1930s, the Army had been placing orders for modern equipment, updating mobilisation planning, experimenting with mechanisation, and attempting to keep pace with contemporary British doctrine.

This is an important qualification to the common claim that New Zealand entered the Second World War wholly unprepared and equipped no better than it had been in 1918. The reality was more complex. Material deficiencies remained serious, but the Army was not intellectually or administratively stagnant. From 1934, the Director of Ordnance Services, Major Thomas Joseph King, worked to ensure that key ordnance positions were held by competent and experienced personnel. At the same time, New Zealand staff followed British doctrinal developments as closely as practicable, including changes in Field Service Regulations, mechanisation, training, mobilisation planning, and the implications of modern weapons.[14]

The same was true in the Army Service Corps. Although New Zealand’s transition from horse transport to motor transport was slow, it was already underway by the time Mackesy arrived. As late as the mid-1930s, each military district still retained one horse transport section and only one motor transport section, yet the direction of travel was clear. Major-General J. E. Duigan reported in 1937 that successful wartime transportation depended upon the efficient employment of civil resources and that the Army was now dependent on the motor industry for its mobility. Trials conducted in 1936 and 1937 had shown that motor transport could replace horse-drawn unit transport, and Duigan stated that this would be universally adopted in future. By 1938, despite the limited number of trucks and lorries held by the New Zealand Military Forces, Territorial Army Service Corps units were already conducting increasingly motorised convoy training.[15]

The archival record supports this more nuanced interpretation across both equipment and logistics. A 1938–39 Ordnance file shows a range of modern stores and equipment either on order, received, or being managed through requisition. These included Bren guns and components, Bren gun maintenance spares, 3-inch mortars, 2-pounder anti-tank guns and equipment, wireless sets No. 9 and No. 11, anti-gas equipment, Boys anti-tank rifles, portable cookers, tentage, medical equipment, signalling equipment, and large quantities of ammunition.[16]

The follow-up material to Mackesy’s report makes the same point. In relation to specialised vehicles, it noted that equipment requirements had to be considered as a whole and obtained from the most suitable source. It also recorded that the Army Department’s existing programme already provided for 39 Bren carriers, with six received and a further twelve on order, and eighteen six-wheeled field artillery tractors, with twelve previously ordered tractors already received.

Mackesy’s significance, therefore, was not that he invented the requirement for modernisation. Rather, he validated and sharpened it. He exposed the scale of the gap between partial modernisation and a force capable of mobilisation to the war establishment. The Army had begun to move beyond its First World War equipment base, and its staff were attempting to keep abreast of modern doctrine and equipment trends. Still, the process remained incomplete, under-resourced, and insufficient for the demands that war would impose.

A fair reading is that Mackesy reinforced an existing direction of travel and gave it strategic urgency. He turned modernisation from a series of equipment orders, doctrinal updates, and mobilisation preparations into a whole-force capability problem. The issue was no longer simply whether New Zealand had begun ordering modern equipment. It was a question of whether that equipment, together with trained personnel, ammunition reserves, storage, transport, maintenance, mobilisation depth, and supporting infrastructure, could be integrated into a force ready for war.

The iceberg effect

The modern ILS Handbook uses the “iceberg effect” to explain why ILS is necessary. It notes that capability planning and procurement have traditionally focused on equipment acquisition, while failing to account for Whole of Life Cost and Through Life Management. The visible acquisition cost is on the surface, while beneath it lie the larger, often less visible costs and requirements associated with operations, distribution, maintenance, training, technical data, supply support, test and support equipment, software, and disposal. The Handbook states that all these elements should now be considered early and planned across the life cycle, from policy and strategy to disposal.[17]

The ILS “iceberg effect”, showing how acquisition cost is only the visible portion of capability cost. Mackesy’s 1939 report anticipated this logic by linking modern weapons and vehicles to ammunition reserves, storage, magazines, garages, training, personnel, and procurement lead times.

Mackesy’s report and the follow-up work on Recommendations 42 and 43 show that the Army was already grappling with a similar problem in 1939. Modern weapons could not be considered in isolation. They required ammunition reserves, practice stocks, storage, magazines, garages, trained personnel, replacement depth, and a procurement plan that recognised lead times and sources of supply.

In other words, Mackesy saw beneath the surface of acquisition. He understood that the mere purchase of modern equipment would not solve the Army’s problem unless the less visible support system was also resourced.

The danger of paper capability

One of Mackesy’s most powerful themes was the difference between paper strength and usable strength. His examination of the Auckland defences showed this clearly. The 13th Heavy Battery required 338 all ranks for war manning of the fixed defences, but at the time of his visit, it had only a fraction of that number available. The Fortress Battalion had a war establishment of 773 all ranks, but a strength of only 320, of whom about sixty were considered physically unfit for war service.[18]

This was more than a manpower complaint. Mackesy was testing the force against its assigned task. A unit might exist on paper, but if it could not be manned, trained, equipped, and mobilised when required, it was not a real capability. This is directly comparable with modern capability assurance. Modern ILS and capability management similarly ask whether a capability is available, supportable, deployable, and sustainable, not merely whether it exists on an equipment register or establishment table.

Mackesy’s criticism was especially relevant because the Army’s mobilisation model relied heavily on the Territorial Force expanding rapidly in an emergency. He saw that this expansion would not be simple. Men might have little or no training. Units would need to be built up from inadequate peacetime strengths. Composite units would disintegrate on mobilisation into their component regiments. The gap between peacetime organisation and wartime effectiveness was therefore not administrative. It was operational.

Normalisation of deviance and the acceptance of military risk

A further way to read Mackesy’s report is as an early warning against what would now be called the normalisation of deviance.[19] The New Zealand Army had not suddenly become under-prepared in 1939. Rather, the condition Mackesy described had developed over time. Reduced establishments, obsolete equipment, inadequate reserves, limited training opportunities, insufficient accommodation, and reliance on rapid improvisation had gradually become accepted as normal peacetime conditions.

This was not necessarily the result of neglect by any one individual. Mackesy himself was careful not to criticise individuals or bodies of individuals, and he acknowledged that earlier decisions may have appeared necessary at the time. The problem was more systemic. Successive economies, assumptions, and deferrals had created a situation in which the Army’s deficiencies were visible but had not yet forced decisive correction.[20]

The extent to which these deficiencies had already become visible was demonstrated by the so-called “Four Colonels’ Revolt” of May 1938. Colonels Neil Lloyd Macky, C. R. Spragg, A. S. Wilder, and F. R. Gambrill publicly challenged official assurances about the state of the Territorial Force, arguing that New Zealand’s citizen army had been reduced below what was required for national defence, that recruiting and training were inadequate, and that morale had suffered. Their action breached military regulations and led to their posting to the retired list, but it also exposed the depth of professional unease within the senior Territorial leadership. Mackesy’s report should therefore be read against this background. He was not the first to identify the Army’s weaknesses.[21] Still, his external assessment gave formal shape to concerns that experienced New Zealand officers had already risked their careers to express.

In modern ILS terms, Mackesy was forcing decision-makers to confirm the impact of inaction. The ILS Handbook states that ILS principles include recognising constraints, focusing ILS effort where it will deliver the greatest benefit, and confirming the impact of any inaction.[22] Mackesy’s report did precisely that. He showed that what had become administratively familiar in peace would become dangerous on mobilisation.

The Army could still parade, train, administer, and maintain the outward form of a military system, but the underlying support structure was fragile. It lacked sufficient trained personnel, modern equipment, ammunition reserves, replacement weapons, accommodation, and mobilisation depth. Because those weaknesses had existed for some time without immediate disaster, they risked being accepted as the norm.

The declaration of war changed the calculation. What had been tolerable as a peacetime economy became a mobilisation risk. Mackesy’s report, therefore, demonstrates the danger of treating chronic under-resourcing as an acceptable condition. The absence of an immediate crisis had made shortages familiar, and that familiarity had made them appear manageable. Yet war removes the margin that peacetime under-resourcing depends upon.

Mackesy’s anti-improvisation principle

Mackesy’s report contains one of the clearest statements of the principle that underpins modern ILS. He warned that unless matters had been studied in peace, confusion and unnecessary loss of life and treasure would result when war forced unexpected action. He accepted that improvisation in war was possible but added that improvisation without previous thought and training was a costly expedient.[23]

This is, in essence, the logic of ILS. It exists to prevent an organisation from discovering too late that the ammunition reserve is inadequate, the spares are unavailable, the technical documentation is missing, the training pipeline is incomplete, the facilities are unsuitable, the supply chain lead time is too long, or the force cannot be sustained under operational conditions.

Mackesy’s language was that of 1939. The principle was timeless. A capability must be prepared before it is required. It cannot be wished into existence on mobilisation.

Recommendations 42 and 43, from report to action

The strongest evidence of ILS-like thinking appears in the follow-up work on Mackesy’s Recommendations 42 and 43, concerning the supply of modern equipment for the Army and the provision of ammunition reserves. The memorandum submitted by Major-General J. E. Duigan, Chief of the General Staff, in August 1939 divided the matter into three connected parts.

Part A dealt with the provision of reserve ammunition for weapons already in possession or already ordered. Part B dealt with the provision of modern fighting and technical equipment for the Territorial Force, together with the necessary ammunition reserves for new weapons. Part C addressed the magazine, garage, and storage accommodation required to house the equipment and ammunition covered by Parts A and B.

This structure is crucial. The Army was not simply proposing to buy modern weapons. It was linking weapons to ammunition, reserves, accommodation, garages, magazines, and storage. It also recommended that the projects be considered as a whole and that, if approved in principle, provision be made over a period of years, in line with the time required to obtain the various types of equipment and ammunition. Immediate local expenditure on accommodation was recommended, while enquiries were to be made into the most satisfactory sources of supply, taking account of both cost and delivery date.

This is ILS in all but name. Modern ILS would frame the same issue in terms of supportability, facilities, supply support, support equipment, training consumption, war reserves, procurement phasing, and whole-of-life cost. The 1939 language was different, but the logic was closely aligned.

The same logic is evident in the wartime expansion of the NZAOC. In 1937, the Ordnance establishment was still being framed around peacetime assumptions, limited mechanisation, and a relatively small depot and workshop structure. The Director of Ordnance Services had warned that if any great development of mechanisation occurred during the next five years, the Ordnance Workshop establishment would probably prove inadequate.

By 1942, that warning had become reality. The scale of mobilisation, equipment receipt, ammunition storage, inspection, accounting, repair, and issue had made the pre-war structure insufficient. War Cabinet approved an amended Ordnance Depot establishment of 30 officers and 1,019 other ranks, distributed across Trentham, Northern District, Central District, and Southern District. In parallel, it authorised a revised Ordnance Workshops establishment of 425 all ranks, comprising 15 officers and 410 other ranks, covering the workshops at Trentham, Devonport, and Burnham. Both the Ordnance Depot and Ordnance Workshops establishments were to be treated as Dominion establishments, rather than as separate fixed establishments for each depot or workshop.[24]

The scale of that support system is clearer when the pre-war and wartime establishments are placed side by side.

Ordnance functionPre-war establishment position, 1937–381942 wartime establishmentWhat changed
Ordnance DepotsSmall mixed military and civil establishment, framed around peacetime assumptions and the existing Territorial Force30 officers and 1,019 other ranks, a total of 1,049, across Trentham, Northern District, Central District, and Southern DistrictDepot support became a national supply, storage, accounting, receipt, issue, and distribution system
Ordnance WorkshopsThe limited workshop structure was considered vulnerable if mechanisation expanded. The 1938 Armament Section proposal included 3 officers, 9 WO1 artificers, and 25 other ranks across Trentham, Devonport, and Burnham15 officers and 410 other ranks, a total of 425, covering Trentham, Devonport, and BurnhamTechnical repair, inspection, modification, and maintenance became a national sustainment function
Establishment principleLocalised peacetime structureBoth depot and workshop establishments are treated as Dominion establishments. 

This was significant. It meant that NZAOC manpower was being managed as a national support capability, adaptable and transferable in response to the changing pressures of mobilisation, storage, repair, inspection, and distribution. The depots represented the system’s supply, accounting, storage, receipt, issue, and distribution functions. The workshops represented the technical sustainment arm, including armament artificers, instrument artificers, wireless artificers, carpenters and joiners, painters, plumbers and tinsmiths, blacksmiths and welders, electricians, clerks, storemen, and labourers.

Taken together, these two NZAOC establishments show that modernisation did not stop at acquisition. Modern equipment had to be received, inspected, accounted for, stored, issued, repaired, modified, maintained, and technically supported. In modern ILS terms, the Mission System had forced the expansion of the Support System beneath it.

Equipment, ammunition, reserves, and war wastage

The follow-up paper on Recommendations 42 and 43 showed that the Army was already thinking in terms of holdings, orders, war reserves, and annual practice expenditure. In Part A, the schedules showed ammunition held in the Dominion or on order, what was considered necessary as a war reserve, and what expenditure was required for annual practice.[25]

Part B extended this logic to modern weapons and technical equipment. It identified the nature and number of modern weapons and equipment required to replace or supplement obsolete or obsolescent equipment, to complete the Territorial Force war establishment, and to provide a 25 per cent reserve. It also calculated the ammunition required for those new weapons on a similar scale. [26]

This was not a narrow procurement. It was capability planning. It connected equipment to force structure, reserves, ammunition, training, and replacement needs. The inclusion of a 25 per cent reserve reflected an understanding that war consumes equipment as well as ammunition. Weapons break, vehicles wear out, losses occur, and reinforcements require training and equipping. The Army was therefore not planning merely for possession, but for endurance.

The scale of the problem is clearer when the weapon and ammunition returns are viewed across the period from 1939 to 1944. In August 1939, New Zealand’s modernisation remained uneven. Older weapons such as the 18-pounder, 4.5-inch howitzer, 60-pounder, and 6-inch howitzer still formed part of the artillery inventory, while modern weapons such as the 25-pounder, 2-pounder anti-tank gun, Bren gun, Bofors 40-mm anti-aircraft gun, and 3.7-inch anti-aircraft gun were either on order or still being discussed. By March 1944, the position had changed dramatically. Quartermaster General returns show 255 25-pounders, 219 2-pounder anti-tank guns, 226 6-pounder anti-tank guns, 10,991 Bren guns, and very large ammunition holdings, including 920,701 rounds for the 25-pounder, 423,259 rounds for the 2-pounder anti-tank gun, 428,023 rounds for the 3.7-inch anti-aircraft gun, and 608,984 rounds for the Bofors 40-mm. These figures show that Mackesy’s concern was not theoretical. Modernisation required not only weapons, but reserves, ammunition, storage, distribution, trained personnel, and a system capable of sustaining war consumption.

Weapon or ammunition type1939 positionLater wartime positionSignificance
25-pounder gunsRequirement identified255 by 1944Modern field artillery standard
2-pounder anti-tank guns16 On order against 90 required219 by 1944Early anti-tank modernisation
6-pounder anti-tank gunsAt the prototype stage226 by 1944Later response to armour threat
Bren guns40 available, 312 on order10,991 by 1944Expansion of modern infantry firepower
25-pounder ammunitionInitial Requirement of 58000 rounds identified920,701 rounds by 1944Shows ammunition burden of modernisation
Bofors 40-mm ammunitionInitial Requirement of 10000 rounds identified608,984 rounds by 1944Reflects growth of AA defence requirements

The problem of obsolete equipment

The need for this enlarged Ordnance support system was reinforced by the condition of the equipment itself. The follow-up material to Mackesy’s report made clear that the Territorial Force remained heavily dependent on old equipment. Apart from coastal defences and a few items of modern equipment already obtained or on order for the Field Force, much of the Territorial Force’s equipment remained of the pattern used in the previous war. Existing small arms were insufficient to equip the Territorial Force at war strength, and, except for rifles, there were no reserve weapons to replace war wastage or train reinforcements. [27]

This was a strikingly modern supportability problem. A force may possess equipment, but if that equipment is obsolete, insufficient, unsupported, or lacks reserves, the capability remains fragile. Mackesy and the Army Board understood that modernisation had to address both first-line equipment and depth. It was not enough to equip the first increment of a force. The system had to be capable of replacing losses, training reinforcements, and sustaining the force over time.

Lead time, source of supply, and industrial reality

The follow-up paper also recognised the hard limits imposed by procurement lead times and industrial capacity. It noted that new equipment could not be obtained from Great Britain until more than twelve months after the outbreak of war, and that even if ordered immediately under peace conditions, delivery would take place only over several years, depending on manufacturing time and the priority given to New Zealand’s orders. It also observed that ordering requirements in instalments were uneconomical and would not necessarily produce earlier or more uniform delivery.[28]

This is another point of strong alignment with modern ILS and capability management. Today, this would be described as supply chain risk, industrial capacity, source-of-supply analysis, procurement phasing, delivery risk assessment, and schedule dependency. In 1939, it was practical military administration. New Zealand could not assume that equipment would be available when war came. It had to consider where equipment could be sourced, how long it would take to arrive, what priority New Zealand would receive, and whether local expenditure could begin immediately on the supporting infrastructure.

Facilities as part of the capability

Part C of the follow-up paper addressed magazine, garage, and storage accommodation. It estimated the additional accommodation needed for ammunition already on order, ammunition under Part A, ammunition under Part B, vehicle garage accommodation, and general storage.

This is one of the clearest examples of the programme’s support logic. Modernisation was not treated as complete once weapons or vehicles had been ordered. The Army needed somewhere to store ammunition safely, somewhere to garage vehicles, and somewhere to hold equipment. The capability, therefore, depended on the estate as much as on the equipment itself.

This point is reinforced by the 1940 summary of estimated Army expenditure. Although prepared before Japan entered the war, the report is significant because it was already looking beyond immediate equipment purchases to the infrastructure required for mobilisation, home defence, training, storage, maintenance, and sustainment. In that sense, it anticipated many of the pressures that would later become urgent after the Pacific War began. Alongside weapons, ammunition, vehicles, and general equipment, the summary included provision for buildings, water supply, roads, hospital accommodation, officers’ quarters, ordnance stores, garages, and workshops.[29]

The range of facilities identified in the 1940 expenditure summary shows that infrastructure was being treated as a mobilisation requirement.

Facility or infrastructure itemEvidence from the 1940 expenditure summaryCapability significance
Buildings and camp infrastructureBuildings, water supply, roads, hospital accommodation, officers’ quarters, and other camp works were includedShows that mobilisation required a physical estate able to house, train, administer, and sustain an expanded force
Ordnance storesProvision was included for Ordnance storesEquipment and ammunition required controlled storage, accounting, preservation, and issue facilities
GaragesGarage provision was includedMechanisation required vehicle accommodation, protection, maintenance access, and controlled fleet management
WorkshopsWorkshop provision was includedWeapons, vehicles, instruments, and technical stores required repair, modification, maintenance, and inspection facilities
Magazine and ammunition accommodationThe wider Mackesy follow-up programme identified magazine, garage, and storage accommodation as part of the equipment and ammunition problemAmmunition reserves were only useful if they could be safely stored, managed, protected, and issued
Roads and water supplyRoads and water supply were included as expenditure itemsCamps, depots, magazines, and workshops required basic infrastructure before they could function as military facilities

The table illustrates that facilities were not an administrative afterthought. They were part of the support system that allowed weapons, ammunition, vehicles, stores, and personnel to become usable military capability. The timing sharpens the significance. In 1940, New Zealand was not yet at war with Japan, but the Army was already identifying the estate and infrastructure requirements that would underpin mobilisation and home defence. When the Pacific War later made the threat to New Zealand more immediate, many of these requirements were no longer theoretical.

Training and the human system

Mackesy also understood that trained people were central to capability. His report criticised the absence of regular units, the scattering of regular personnel across instructional and administrative duties, and the lack of a trained force available for mobilisation to protect while the Territorial Force prepared itself. He also noted that officers lacked opportunities to exercise tactical command in peace.[30]

Again, this reflects a whole-system view. Equipment required trained operators, trained commanders, trained instructors, and training areas. The Army’s problem was not merely material. It was institutional. Modern weapons, vehicles, ammunition, stores, workshops, garages, and magazines could not generate capability unless trained personnel existed to use, account for, maintain, repair, distribute, and command them.

The wartime expansion of the NZAOC reinforces this point. By 1942, the Ordnance Depot and Ordnance Workshops establishments had both become Dominion establishments, reflecting the need to manage trained manpower nationally rather than as a series of isolated local appointments. The depots required personnel able to handle receipt, accounting, storage, issue, and distribution, while the workshops required armament artificers, instrument artificers, wireless artificers, tradesmen, clerks, storemen, and labourers able to support increasingly technical equipment. The growth of the NZAOC was therefore not simply an increase in numbers. It was the creation of a trained human support system beneath modernisation.

The modern ILS Handbook identifies training support as one of the 10 ILS elements, involving the resources, skills, and competencies necessary to acquire, operate, support, and dispose of a capability system. It also identifies personnel as a separate ILS element, covering human resources and the prerequisite training, skills, and competencies required to acquire, install, test, train, operate, and support the capability system throughout its life cycle. Mackesy’s concern with Regular Forces, Territorial training, instructors, officers, cadets, and reserves fits closely with that logic.

Mapping Mackesy against the modern 10 ILS elements

The NZDF ILS Handbook lists 10 ILS elements: engineering support, maintenance support, supply support, packaging, handling, storage and transportation, training support, facilities, support and test equipment, personnel, technical data, and computer support.[31] Mackesy’s report and the follow-up work do not align with all these equally, but the comparison is revealing.

NZDF ILS elementThe Mackesy-era equivalent visible in the reportsAlignment
Engineering supportModern equipment selection, mechanisation, suitability of weapons and vehiclesPartial
Maintenance supportGarages, stores, vehicle support implications, mechanisationPartial
Supply supportAmmunition reserves, war reserve stocks, replacement weapons, source of supplyStrong
Packaging, handling, storage and transportationMagazines, garages, storage accommodation, specialised vehicles, delivery timelinesStrong
Training supportRegular, Territorial and Cadet training, instructors, annual camps, reinforcement trainingStrong
FacilitiesMagazine, garage, store accommodation, training areasStrong
Support and test equipmentLimited evidence in the reviewed materialWeak or implicit
PersonnelRegular Force, Territorial Force, reserves, instructors, officers, quartermastersStrong
Technical dataNot clearly visible in the reviewed documentsWeak
Computer supportNot applicable to 1939Not applicable

This mapping helps keep the argument balanced. Mackesy was not applying modern ILS in full. There is little visible evidence of what would now be called technical data management, configuration management, Reliability, Availability, and Maintainability analysis, Level of Repair Analysis, Failure Modes, Effects, and Criticality Analysis, or computer support. But the strongest areas of alignment, supply support, training support, facilities, personnel, storage, transportation, and supportability planning, are precisely the areas most central to whether a mobilisation force could be made real in 1939.

Whole-of-life awareness, not modern Whole of Life Costing

The ILS Handbook states that Whole of Life Cost incorporates all costs attributable to a capability throughout its life cycle, and that many of these costs are incurred during the In-Service phase, even though key cost decisions are made much earlier.[32] Mackesy’s work should not be described as Whole of Life Costing in that modern technical sense. It did not model all costs across acquisition, operation, support, upgrade, and disposal.

However, it did move well beyond simple purchase cost. The follow-up work considered capital costs, ammunition reserves, annual practice expenditure, magazines, garages, storage accommodation, delivery times, sources of supply, and phased expenditure over several years.[33] That was not modern Whole-of-Life Costing, but it was a clear form of whole-of-support awareness.

This distinction matters. It avoids anachronism while preserving the core argument. Mackesy was not using a modern costing model, but he was applying the broader principle that capability costs do not end with equipment acquisition.

Was Mackesy’s report parked?

It would be fair to say that Mackesy’s report was initially parked, but that phrase needs careful handling. It was not simply ignored. Mackesy himself stated that his suggestions would require careful investigation before action could be taken. That gave the Government and the Army Department room to treat the report as a major advisory document rather than to implement it in full immediately.

In May 1939, New Zealand was still technically at peace. Mackesy’s broader recommendations, covering the Regular Force, Territorial Force, training, pay, prestige, reserves, cadets, accommodation, mobilisation, equipment, ammunition, ordnance services, and financial administration, represented a substantial reform agenda. It was unlikely that such a programme would be adopted in its entirety within weeks.

Once war was imminent, however, the position changed. The report appears to have been used selectively, with attention narrowing to those parts that could be translated most directly into urgent military preparedness. Recommendations 42 and 43, dealing with modern equipment and ammunition reserves, received particular attention. A memorandum of 22 September 1939 confirms this shift, noting that the original estimates had been prepared on a peacetime basis and that urgent orders had since been placed for 18-pounder gun ammunition, 4.5-inch howitzer ammunition, and 100 Marmon-Herrington adapters fitted to vehicles.[34]

Mackesy’s report, therefore, became less a comprehensive reform blueprint and more a menu of urgent war-preparedness measures. The deeper structural issues, such as the creation of regular units, institutional training reform, and the broader status of the Army, did not receive the same immediate attention. What moved first were the recommendations most directly connected to mobilisation, equipment, ammunition, mechanisation, storage, and mobility.

ILS as formalised old-fashioned military planning

The comparison with modern ILS should not be overstated. Mackesy was not applying a formal ILS framework. His report does not show modern logistics support analysis records, reliability and maintainability modelling, configuration management databases, digital technical data, performance-based support contracts, or through-life governance structures.

The ILS Handbook describes modern ILS as structured, iterative, life cycle-based, and linked to Through Life Support, Systems Engineering, Logistics Support Analysis, Whole of Life Costing, supportability testing, configuration management, RAM, and other technical disciplines. Mackesy’s 1939 work was not that.

Yet the underlying method is unmistakably aligned. Mackesy and the subsequent Army Board work treated capability as an integrated system. They considered personnel, training, equipment, ammunition, reserves, accommodation, storage, mobilisation, source of supply, lead time, cost, and delivery. The later expansion of the NZAOC Depot and Workshops establishments as Dominion establishments, together with the 1940 expenditure planning for buildings, roads, water supply, ordnance stores, garages, and workshops, shows that this logic moved beyond paper analysis into practical mobilisation planning. The Army understood that a force could not be judged by its nominal existence, or by equipment on order, but by its ability to mobilise, train, store, issue, repair, move, reinforce, and sustain itself under wartime conditions.

This is the essential point. Modern ILS did not invent the idea that a military capability must be supportable. It formalised an older military truth.

Contemporary reflections for logisticians

Mackesy’s report should not be read as a simple checklist against which to judge contemporary logistics practice. The strategic setting, technology, force structure, governance, and scale of modern defence capability are vastly different from those of 1939. Nor should the report be used to imply that modern logisticians are repeating the failures of an earlier generation. Its value lies elsewhere. It provides a historical case study in how supportability, preparedness, and sustainment can determine whether military capability is real or merely assumed.

For contemporary logisticians, the first reflection is that capability must be understood as a system. Mackesy’s report did not treat weapons, vehicles, ammunition, personnel, training, storage, accommodation, and mobilisation as separate subjects. He examined them as interdependent parts of one military problem. The subsequent wartime expansion of NZAOC depots and workshops, and the inclusion of facilities such as stores, garages, workshops, roads, water supply, and accommodation in 1940 planning, reinforce the same point. A capability may be acquired through equipment, but it is delivered through the support system that allows it to be stored, issued, maintained, repaired, moved, supplied, trained, and sustained.

The second reflection is that gaps are easiest to tolerate when they have become familiar. Mackesy did not describe an Army that had suddenly become deficient. He described a force that had adapted over time to shortages, workarounds, obsolescence, limited reserves, inadequate establishments, and constrained training. In modern terms, this highlights the importance of identifying the impact of inaction. A shortage that has been managed for years may still be a real operational risk when circumstances change.

The third reflection is that mobilisation and sustainment cannot be improvised at the point of crisis. Mackesy’s warning about improvisation without previous thought and training remains relevant, not because the conditions of 1939 are directly comparable to today, but because the principle is enduring. Supply chains, storage, maintenance arrangements, trained personnel, technical data, contracts, transport, infrastructure, workshops, and reserves all require time, investment, facilities, and deliberate planning before they are needed.

The fourth reflection is that modernisation is not complete when equipment is ordered. New Zealand was already modernising before Mackesy arrived, with modern equipment received, further items on order, and staff attempting to remain current with British doctrine. Yet Mackesy’s report showed that partial modernisation was not enough. Equipment had to be connected to ammunition reserves, trained users, storage, transport, maintenance, repair, mobilisation depth, and supporting infrastructure. The 1942 Ordnance establishments and the 1940 facilities planning show the practical consequence of that principle: modernisation created a support burden that had to be manned, housed, equipped, and sustained.

Finally, Mackesy’s report demonstrates the value of honest external examination. His assessment was not perfect, nor was it a full implementation plan, but it forced attention onto the relationship between stated capability and actual readiness. For logisticians, that is perhaps the most useful enduring point. The purpose of logistics advice is not simply to support decisions already made, but to clarify what those decisions require if the capability is to be safe, available, supportable, repairable, and sustainable.

Read this way, Mackesy’s report is not a judgment on the present. It is a reminder that logistics has always been central to the credibility of military capability. The language has changed, and modern ILS has formalised the process, but the professional obligation remains familiar: to ensure that capability can be generated, supported, and sustained when required.

Conclusion

Major-General Mackesy’s 1939 report should be read not simply as a criticism of the New Zealand Army, but as a whole-force capability assessment. He arrived when the Army was already modernising, but that modernisation remained incomplete. His value lay in exposing the gap between equipment acquisition and usable military capability.

The follow-up work on Recommendations 42 and 43, together with the later expansion of Ordnance Depot and Ordnance Workshops establishments, demonstrates that this was not an abstract concern. Modern weapons, vehicles, ammunition, and technical stores required reserves, storage, magazines, garages, workshops, trained personnel, accounting systems, repair capacity, and distribution arrangements. The 1940 facilities planning reinforces the same point. Before the Pacific War made the threat to New Zealand more immediate, the Army was already identifying the estate and infrastructure needed to support mobilisation and home defence.

Measured against the modern NZDF ILS Handbook, Mackesy’s work was not ILS in the contemporary technical sense. It lacked the formal structures, terminology, analytical tools, and governance of modern capability management. Yet it clearly reflected the principles that ILS now formalises; early attention to supportability, recognition of whole-of-support requirements, integration of Mission System and Support System considerations, and the need to design capability that can actually be prepared, used, maintained, repaired, and sustained.

For contemporary logisticians, Mackesy’s report is best read as a historical reflection rather than a judgement. It reminds us that logistics is not a secondary activity performed after capability decisions have been made. It is part of the capability itself. Equipment without trained people, ammunition, spares, storage, transport, maintenance, infrastructure, workshops, repair capacity, and mobilisation depth is not a complete military capability.

The terminology has changed, the governance has become more formal, and the tools have become more sophisticated, but the underlying principle remains the same:

A capability is not real until it can be trained, equipped, supplied, stored, moved, maintained, repaired, reinforced, and sustained when required.

Notes

[1] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939),” Archives New Zealand No R18871665  (1939).

[2] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[3] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[4] Roderick MacIvor, Citizen Army: The New Zeland Wars Lost Official History (Wellington: Defence of New Zealand Study Group, 2025), 214-15.

[5] Paul William Gladstone Ian McGibbon, The Oxford companion to New Zealand Military History (Auckland; Melbourne; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, 2000), , 180.

[6] J Babington, “Defence Forces of New Zealand (Report on the) by Major General J.M Babington, Commandant of the Forces,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1902 Session I, H-19  (1902), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1902-I.2.3.2.29.

[7] “Defence of the Dominion of New Zealand (Memorandum on the),” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1910 Session I, H-19a  (28 February 1910), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1910-I.2.3.2.30.

[8] N. Smart, Biographical Dictionary of British Generals of the Second World War (Pen & Sword Military, 2005).

[9] “Organisation for National Security, Chiefs of Staff Committee – Recommendations No 42 – 43 of Mackesy report – Supply of modern equipment for the army and the provision of reserves of ammunition, September 1939,” Archives New Zealand No R16640388  (1939).

[10] “Organisation for National Security, Chiefs of Staff Committee – Recommendations No 42 – 43 of Mackesy report – Supply of modern equipment for the army and the provision of reserves of ammunition, September 1939.”

[11] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[12] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition (New Zealand Defence Force, 2022).

[13] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[14] “Debunking the Myth of New Zealand’s Military Unpreparedness During the Interwar Period,” To the Warrior His Arms, History of the Royal New Zeland Army Ordnance Corps and it predecessors, 2025, 2026, https://rnzaoc.com/2020/12/21/ordnance-in-the-manawatu-1915-1996/.

[15] James Russell, “Brigadier Stanley Crump – An Underappreciated New Zealand Military Logistics Commander: a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand” (Massey University, 2022).

[16] “QMG (Quartermaster General) – Ordnance “, Archives New Zealand No R18527870  (9 January 1937 – 1939).

[17] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[18] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[19] D. Vaughan, The Challenger Launch Decision: Risky Technology, Culture, and Deviance at NASA (University of Chicago Press, 1996).

[20] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[21] Ian McGibbon, The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History, 179-80.

[22] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[23] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[24] “Establishments – Ordnance corps,” Archives New Zealand No R22441743  (1937-1968).

[25] “Organisation for National Security, Chiefs of Staff Committee – Recommendations No 42 – 43 of Mackesy report – Supply of modern equipment for the army and the provision of reserves of ammunition, September 1939.”

[26] “Organisation for National Security, Chiefs of Staff Committee – Recommendations No 42 – 43 of Mackesy report – Supply of modern equipment for the army and the provision of reserves of ammunition, September 1939.”

[27] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[28] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[29] “Chief of the General Staff: Gun Ammunition, general army equipment and New Zealand Force numbers,” Archives New Zealand No R22849606  (1940).

[30] “NZ Forces – Army -Report on the military forces of NZ by Major-General Mackesy (22 May 1939).”

[31] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[32] Defence Logistic Command – Integrated Logistics Support Centre of Expertise, Integrated Logistics Support in Capability Management Handbook Third Edition.

[33] “Organisation for National Security, Chiefs of Staff Committee – Recommendations No 42 – 43 of Mackesy report – Supply of modern equipment for the army and the provision of reserves of ammunition, September 1939.”

[34] The reference to “100 Marmon-Herrington adapters fitted to vehicles” appears to relate to four-wheel-drive conversion equipment supplied by the American firm Marmon-Herrington. These adapters were not simply minor spare parts, but conversion assemblies that allowed standard commercial vehicles, usually built as two-wheel-drive trucks, to be adapted for military use with improved cross-country mobility. Such kits typically involved the fitting of a driven front axle, transfer case, driveline modifications, and associated mounting components. Their inclusion alongside urgent ammunition orders shows that, by September 1939, New Zealand’s preparations were extending beyond stockpiling munitions to improving the field mobility of its vehicle fleet; “Trucks converted with Marmon-Herrington All-Wheel Drive Conversion Kits,” Marmon-Herrington military vehicles, 2002, 2026, https://www.mapleleafup.nl/marmonherrington/truck.html


Compulsory Military Training in New Zealand: The 1949 Referendum and Its Legacy

As the international security environment grows darker and more uncertain, the question of compulsory military service has begun to re-emerge in public debate overseas. Across parts of Europe, particularly in the United Kingdom, there is renewed discussion of the possible reintroduction of National Service as governments confront shrinking armed forces and the prospect of future conflict, most notably with Russia. While compulsory service is not currently part of mainstream political debate in New Zealand, these developments highlight the enduring relevance of New Zealand’s own experience with Compulsory Military Training (CMT).

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the future of CMT became a major political issue in New Zealand. On 25 May 1949, Prime Minister Peter Fraser announced that a national referendum would be held to determine whether CMT should be reintroduced.

Poster advocating the New Zealand Compulsory Military Training Act was introduced in 1949 during the early stages of the Cold War

The referendum took place on 3 August 1949 and produced a decisive result. Of the 729,245 votes cast, 77.9 percent were in favour and 22.1 percent against, with a turnout of 63.5 percent. This strong mandate reflected widespread public concern about national defence in the emerging Cold War environment.

Following the referendum, Parliament passed the Military Training Act 1949, which came into force in 1950. Under the Act, all males became liable for military service at the age of 18. After registering with the Department of Labour and Employment, those not exempted for medical, compassionate, or conscientious objection reasons were required to complete:

  • 14 weeks of full-time initial training
  • 3 years of part-time service
  • 6 years in the Reserve

Conscripts could serve in the Royal New Zealand Navy, the New Zealand Army, or the Royal New Zealand Air Force. Between 1950 and 1958, a total of 63,033 men were trained under this system.

By 1953, CMT had been operating for three years. That year alone saw four intakes, with approximately 10,996 young men completing their training. I have been fortunate to receive a DVD of a 1953 CMT passing-out parade at Papakura, originally filmed by Norm Blackie. The footage captures a seldom-seen aspect of CMT and provides a rare visual record of how the system was presented to the public and to the families of those serving.

The film shows graduating recruits demonstrating the weapons and equipment they had been trained on, observed by a large gathering of family members and friends. Equipment on display included the then-new Land Rovers, 25-pounder guns with quads and limbers, 4.2-inch mortars, 5.5-inch medium guns, 40 mm Bofors anti-aircraft guns, an improvised mobile field kitchen, a Light Aid Detachment (LAD) conducting a vehicle lift, Vickers medium machine guns, 3-inch mortars, the Wasp variant of the Universal (Bren) Carrier, and 6-pounder anti-tank guns towed by Universal Carriers. Notably, some of this equipment, including the 25-pounders of 16 Field Regiment, was at that time still in active service in the Korean War.

While it could be argued that much of this equipment was “Second World War vintage”, that description is misleading when viewed in its proper historical context. In 1953, most of the equipment on display was in reality less than a decade old, much of it introduced from 1942 onwards. In contemporary terms, this was relatively modern equipment, consistent with what was being fielded by peer armies to which New Zealand would have contributed a division if required. Several systems, including the 4.2-inch mortars, 5.5-inch guns, and Land Rovers, were either new acquisitions or at the leading edge of post-war standardisation. Within only a few years, New Zealand would further modernise its forces for jungle operations in South-East Asia and, following British adoption, introduce the L1A1 Self-Loading Rifle. Far from being an obsolete conscript army equipped with outdated weapons, CMT-era forces were broadly comparable in organisation and equipment to those of Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom.

In 1958, a Labour Government replaced the scheme with the National Service Registration Act. This was further modified in 1961 by the National Party Government under Keith Holyoake, which introduced the National Military Service Act 1961. Automatic registration at 18 was ended, and instead all males were required to register at age 20. Selection for service was determined by ballot, with those chosen undertaking three months of full-time training followed by three years of annual part-time training.

During the 1960s, compulsory service became increasingly controversial, particularly as New Zealand committed combat forces to the Vietnam War. Although only regular soldiers were deployed overseas, opposition to CMT grew. Protest groups such as the Organisation to Halt Military Service (OHMS) mounted campaigns of civil disobedience, with some members refusing service or deserting camps.

The issue was finally resolved in 1972, when the newly elected Labour Government under Norman Kirk abolished National Service, bringing compulsory military training in New Zealand to an end.

Viewed against today’s international uncertainty, New Zealand’s experience with CMT serves as a reminder that compulsory service is not merely a theoretical policy option but a system with significant social, political, and military consequences. As other nations revisit the concept in response to deteriorating security conditions, understanding how and why New Zealand once embraced, adapted, and ultimately abandoned compulsory training remains both relevant and instructive.


Saint Barbara’s Day: Honouring a Patron of Courage, Care, and Commitment

On 4 December each year, soldiers, gunners, and explosive specialists around the world pause to mark Saint Barbara’s Day. For New Zealand’s military ammunition community, the day has a special resonance. Saint Barbara was the patron saint of the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (RNZAOC). Although the Corps was disestablished in 1996, she remains the spiritual patron of those whose work brings them closest to explosive risk, especially the current generation of Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment (RNZALR) Ammunition Technicians.

This commemoration is not about imposing religious belief or expecting devotion in a modern, pluralist Army. Instead, it is about recognising shared values. Saint Barbara’s story, whether read as faith, legend, or metaphor, offers a powerful way of talking about courage, duty of care, and professionalism in dangerous work.

From Heliopolis to the Ordnance Corps

According to tradition, Barbara lived in the late Roman Empire at Heliopolis in Phoenicia, now associated with Baalbek in modern Lebanon. Born into a wealthy pagan household, she questioned the gods she had been taught to worship when she looked out from the tower in which her father kept her secluded and reflected on the ordered beauty of the world around her. In time, she converted to Christianity in secret. When her father discovered this, he handed her over to the authorities and ultimately carried out her execution himself.

Her refusal to renounce her convictions, even under torture, and the lightning that, according to legend, later killed her father and the official who condemned her, led to Barbara being associated with sudden death, lightning, and fire. As warfare evolved and gunpowder weapons became central to battle, she was adopted as patroness of artillerymen, armourers, military engineers, miners, tunnellers, and anyone whose livelihood involved explosives and the possibility of instant, catastrophic harm. The Legend of Saint Barbara

When the Royal Army Ordnance Corps (RAOC) adopted Saint Barbara as its patron, that tradition passed into the wider family of Commonwealth ordnance corps. The RNZAOC, with its own responsibility for ammunition supply, storage, and maintenance in New Zealand, in turn adopted her as patron saint.

Beyond 1996: Saint Barbara and the RNZALR

The disestablishment of the RNZAOC in 1996 and the formation of the RNZALR did not diminish Saint Barbara’s relevance to New Zealand soldiers. The work did not change; only the cap badge did. Ammunition Technicians, in particular, continue to live daily with the realities that made Barbara a symbolic figure in the first place: sudden danger, technical complexity, and the need for calm, disciplined action when things go wrong.

On paper, Saint Barbara is a figure from late antiquity. In practice, her patronage captures something very contemporary about the RNZALR Ammunition Technician trade:

  • Technical mastery under pressure – handling, inspecting, and disposing of explosive ordnance where a single lapse can have irreversible consequences.
  • Quiet, unshowy bravery – the kind that rarely makes headlines but underpins every live-fire activity, every range practice, and every deployment where ammunition is moved, stored, or rendered safe.
  • Duty of care to others – ensuring that everyone else can train and fight in relative safety because someone has accepted responsibility for the dangerous end of the supply chain.

In that sense, Saint Barbara’s Day is as much about the living as it is about any distant martyr. It is an opportunity for the wider Army to pause and acknowledge that the safe availability of ammunition, which is often taken for granted, depends on a small community of specialists and their support teams.

A Day Of Tradition, Not Testimony

In a modern New Zealand Army, not everyone is religious, and fewer still are likely to be familiar with the details of early Christian hagiography. That is not the point. Commemorations like Saint Barbara’s Day function as regimental and professional traditions, not as tests of personal belief.

Marking the day can mean different things to different people:

  • For some, it may be a genuine act of faith, honouring a saint whose story inspires them.
  • For others, it is a way of respecting the heritage of their trade and the generations of RNZAOC and now RNZALR personnel who have done this work before them.
  • For many, it is simply a moment to reflect on the risks inherent in explosive work, to remember colleagues injured or killed in training and operations, and to recommit to doing the job as safely and professionally as possible.

In that sense, the story’s religious origins are less important than the shared meaning it has acquired over time. Saint Barbara becomes a symbol of the values that matter in ammunition work: integrity, courage, vigilance, and loyalty to those you serve alongside.

Contemporary Relevance: Commitment In A Dangerous Trade

In the modern world, the management of ammunition and explosives is governed by detailed regulations, sophisticated science, and digital systems, ranging from hazard classifications and compatibility groups to electronic inventory control and safety management frameworks. Yet, at its core, it still depends on human judgment and ethical commitment.

Saint Barbara’s Day offers a valuable lens for talking about that commitment:

  • Commitment to safety – understanding procedures not as bureaucracy, but as the accumulated lessons, sometimes paid for in blood, of those who went before.
  • Commitment to team – recognising that no Ammunition Technician works alone, and that a strong safety culture depends on everyone feeling empowered to speak up, check, and challenge.
  • Commitment to service – remembering that, whether in training at home or on operations overseas, the work is ultimately about enabling others to succeed and come home alive.

When Ammunition Technicians and their colleagues mark Saint Barbara’s Day, they are not stepping out of the modern world into a medieval one. They are taking a moment within a busy, technologically advanced, secular military environment to acknowledge that some fundamentals have not changed: courage, conscience, and care for others still matter.

Keeping The Flame Alive

Although the RNZAOC passed into history in 1996, its traditions did not vanish. They were carried forward into the RNZALR and live on in the customs, stories, and professional identities of those who wear the uniform today. Saint Barbara is one of those enduring threads.

On 4 December, when a small group gathers in an Ammuniton depot, unit lines, a mess, or a deployed location to raise a glass or share a few words in her honour, they are standing in continuity with generations of ordnance soldiers, armourers, gunners, and explosive specialists across time and across the Commonwealth. They are also quietly affirming something vital about themselves.

In the end, Saint Barbara’s Day is less about religion and more about recognition: recognition of a demanding craft, of the people who practise it, and of the responsibility they carry on behalf of the wider Army. For the RNZALR Ammunition Technicians of today, as for the RNZAOC of yesterday, she remains a fitting patron for those who work, quite literally, at the explosive edge of military service.


Saint Eligius’s Day Reflection: Celebrating 150 Years of New Zealand’s Maintenance Tradition

On this 1 December, as we mark Saint Eligius’s Day and salute the enduring legacy of the Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (RNZEME), we commemorate more than seven decades of service under that name, and more than 150 years of New Zealand’s ordnance, mechanical and logistical tradition. Saint Eligius, long regarded as the patron of metalworkers and armourers, provides a fitting focus for honouring the craftsmen and technicians whose skill has kept New Zealand’s soldiers equipped and mobile in peace and war..

    From Defence Stores to RNZEME, a long heritage

    The roots of RNZEME extend deep into the nineteenth century, when the fledgling New Zealand forces began assuming responsibility for their own military stores and maintenance. The New Zealand Defence Stores Department, successor to Imperial supply and maintenance arrangements, was established in the 1860s and, by 1869, had depots in Wellington at Mount Cook and in Auckland at Albert Barracks.

    Within that organisation, a small but increasingly professional cadre of armourers and artificers emerged. Between the 1860s and 1900, New Zealand’s military armourers evolved from civilian gunsmiths and part-time repairers into disciplined specialists who maintained an expanding array of weapons, from carbines and pistols to magazine rifles and early machine-guns such as the Gardner and Maxim. Their work underpinned the readiness of the colonial forces and set the technical and professional standard that later generations of ordnance and electrical and mechanical engineers would inherit.

    Among these early figures, Walter Laurie Christie stands out. Serving for forty-five years in the Defence Stores Department and as a soldier during the New Zealand Wars, Christie embodied the blend of military service, technical mastery and administrative reliability that became a hallmark of New Zealand’s ordnance and maintenance tradition.

    From those armourers and artisans came the artificers of the Permanent Militia in the 1880s, from which grew a tradition of maintenance and repair that would carry New Zealand forces through decades of change. By the time of the First World War, this heritage had matured into the New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (NZAOC), gazetted on 1 February 1917, responsible for arming, equipping and maintaining New Zealand’s forces at home and abroad.

    During the Great War, armourers of the NZAOC and the mechanics of the new Mechanical Transport Sections of the New Zealand Army Service Corps (NZASC) worked tirelessly behind the lines to keep weapons, vehicles and equipment in service, ensuring the steady flow of matériel to the front.

    Between the wars and into the Second World War, the NZAOC and the NZASC remained the heart of New Zealand’s supply and transport capability. Yet the increasing complexity of weapons, instruments, communications equipment and mechanical transport demanded a broader, more specialised technical arm.

    Mechanised mobilisation and the MT Branch

    The Second World War brought that challenge into sharp focus. From September 1939 to March 1944, New Zealand’s military vehicle fleet exploded from just 62 vehicles to 22,190, a transformation that turned a largely foot-bound force into a fully motorised army in a few short years.

    To manage this rapid mechanisation at home, the Mechanical Transport (MT) Branch was created within the Army system to complement the existing Ordnance Workshops. The MT Branch, working closely with the NZAOC, took responsibility for the provision, storage and issue of all classes of vehicles and spare parts, as well as the repair of those vehicles. From 1939 to 1963, MT Stores were developed and managed as a distinct but tightly integrated function, ensuring that everything from staff cars to heavy trucks and specialist vehicles could be procured, held, accounted for and kept on the road.

    In parallel, New Zealand Ordnance Corps Light Aid Detachments (LADs) were established to provide first-line repair to units both overseas and in home defence roles. These small detachments, working alongside Ordnance Workshops and MT Branch organisations, formed the backbone of New Zealand’s repair and maintenance capability during the war.

    The consolidated register of 2NZEF logistics units shows just how extensive this support system became, with New Zealand logistics formations sustaining the force in North Africa, the Middle East, Greece, Crete and Italy. Together, the MT Branch, MT Stores system, Ordnance Workshops and LADs created a sophisticated, layered maintenance and repair network that anticipated the later integration of these functions under NZEME and, ultimately, RNZEME.

    Wartime evolution, the birth of NZEME and RNZEME

    As the Second World War engulfed the globe and New Zealand raised the 2nd New Zealand Expeditionary Force (2NZEF) for overseas service, the need for dedicated mechanical and electrical maintenance became pressing. In the Middle East in 1942, New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (NZEME) was formed within 2NZEF to align the organisation with British practice and to bring armourers, instrument repairers, vehicle mechanics and other specialists into a single technical corps.

    At war’s end, in New Zealand, these arrangements were mirrored at home. On 1 September 1946, workshops and many mechanical transport functions were formally separated from the NZAOC and placed under NZEME, under the control of the Director of Mechanical Engineering, though some MT stores remained under ordnance control. In recognition of their wartime service and importance, the Royal prefix was granted in 1947, creating the Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, RNZEME.

    The motto adopted by RNZEME, Arte et Marte – “By Skill and Fighting”, or “By Craft and Combat”, captures perfectly the dual calling of its tradespeople as skilled craftsmen and soldiers in uniform.

    RNZEME’s role, Light Aid Detachments, workshops and beyond

    Throughout its existence, RNZEME provided vital support across a broad spectrum of New Zealand Army operations. Its personnel were attached to combat units as Light Aid Detachments, backed by field workshops and, at the national level, by base workshops at Trentham. Between them, they ensured that everything from small arms and radios to trucks, armoured vehicles and heavy plant could be maintained, repaired or rebuilt when needed.

    Whether on operations overseas, on exercises, or in daily training, RNZEME craftsmen stood ready, ensuring that New Zealand’s soldiers remained equipped, mobile and operational.

    The legacy continues, from RNZEME to RNZALR

    In 1996, the New Zealand Army undertook a significant reorganisation of its logistics and support corps. The RNZEME, the Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps and the Royal New Zealand Corps of Transport, along with Quartermaster functions, were amalgamated into the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment, RNZALR.

    Although RNZEME no longer exists as a separate corps, its traditions of mechanical skill, repair, readiness and technical leadership live on in every RNZALR Maintainer, in every workshop and unit, and through the repair chain that sustains the New Zealand Defence Force today.

    Honour and remember

    On this RNZEME Day, we recall with gratitude every craftsman-soldier, artisan-mechanic, armourer and artificer whose steady hands and often unsung labour have underpinned New Zealand’s military capability, from the Defence Stores armourers of the 1860s, through two world wars, to the modern era of integrated logistics.

    We remember the nineteenth-century armourers who mastered each new generation of weapon, the long-serving servants of the Defence Stores Department, the armourers and artificers of the Permanent Militia, the NZAOC workshop staff, the mechanics of the NZASC, the MT Branch and MT Stores personnel who managed the vast wartime vehicle fleet, the NZOC Light Aid Detachments that kept front-line units moving, and the workshops and LADs of NZEME and RNZEME, which carried that tradition into the late twentieth century.

    Their legacy is not only in the weapons maintained, the vehicles repaired, or the radios restored, but in the very capacity of New Zealand’s soldiers to fight, move and endure. On this day, we salute their craftsmanship, quiet dedication, and ongoing contribution to the security and strength of this nation.

    Arte et Marte – by skill and by fighting, past, present and future.


    The estate underfoot is the real enemy

    New Zealand’s military logisticians are more likely to be harmed by the conditions they create than by enemy fire, and the records often don’t exist when illness appears decades later.

    Introduction

    We have spent years teaching soldiers to look up and out for threats. For logisticians, the danger is just as often down in the ground they’re ordered to seize and make work at speed. Bomb‑damaged ports, airheads, railheads, fuel farms, hard standing, and battered warehouses are where supply chains are wrestled back to life. They are also where dust, residues, and fluids leave a lasting fingerprint on human health.

    The uncomfortable truth is latency. Low‑to‑moderate exposures, taken in with every sweep of a broom, every cut of a disc, every lift of a drum, every hour around fuels and degreasers, rarely trigger an incident report. They build quietly under heat and exertion. The bill often arrives 10–40 years later as chronic respiratory disease, cardiovascular problems, or exposure‑associated cancers (including haematological malignancies). By then, units have disbanded, notebooks have been boxed or binned, and the link between a dusty floor in a shattered shed and a midlife diagnosis is far harder to prove.

    Operational realities widen this gap. Operational tempo prioritises throughput over sampling; industrial hazards are treated as background noise; and protection is a general issue, not task-specific. In many theatres, the ethos was to get the job done. Keeping the lines moving eclipsed health and safety. The result? Too many logisticians carry “silent” injuries, not the wounds of a firefight, but the legacy of the estate underfoot.

    Latency‑linked conditions to flag (illustrative, not exhaustive)

    • Airways & lung (0–20+ yrs): chronic bronchitis/COPD, asthma aggravation, interstitial lung disease; silica/cement dusts → silicosis; diesel/PAH‑rich exhaust → higher lung cancer risk.
    • Sarcoidosis (months–years; sometimes later): an inflammatory granulomatous disease with recognised associations to inhaled particulates and combustion by-products (e.g., burn-pit smoke, fuel/solvent aerosols, mineral/metallic dusts, silica). In military logistics contexts, credible exposure pathways include routine work around burn pits, JP-8/Avtur/Avgas combustion products, and dust-rich industrial sites.
    • Asbestos (20–40 yrs): pleural plaques, asbestosis, lung cancer, mesothelioma.
    • Solvents & fuels (5–25 yrs): Benzene and organic solvents are associated with haematological malignancies (e.g., AML, MDS, NHL); some degreasers are linked in studies to kidney/liver effects.
    • PCBs/dioxins (incl. Agent Orange/TCDD) (5–30+ yrs): non‑Hodgkin lymphoma, some soft‑tissue sarcomas, type 2 diabetes, chloracne.
    • Metals (varies): chromium VI → lung cancer; lead → neurological/haematological effects; cadmium → renal dysfunction and some cancers.

    These are associations, not diagnoses. Individual risk depends on dose, duration, task and personal factors. The point is to signpost credible possibilities so exposure logging and follow‑up aren’t dismissed as “speculative”.

    Illustrative exposure pathways reported by NZ logisticians

    • JP-8/Avtur/Avgas used to burn excrement (latrine waste disposal) → mixed hydrocarbon and particulate inhalation.
    • Proximity to burn pits for waste/rubbish disposal → complex combustion plume with fine particulates and mixed toxicants.
    • Asbestos exposure in damaged facilities — notably Somalia and Timor-Leste.
    • Pyrethrin-based insecticide ‘fogging’ for mosquitoes — operators in PPE while nearby logisticians worked without task-specific respiratory protection.
    • Silica and heavy dusts from industrial sites — e.g., Bougainville, living/working inside a large copper-mine building.

    Somalia shows how routine logistics create hidden exposures

    From late 1992 to July 1994, New Zealand rotated a dedicated Supply Platoon (43-strong, with an attached infantry section) through Mogadishu. The job was prosaic and relentless: a warehouse on the airport’s north ramp, a standing stores presence inside the port, and long days pushing relief tonnage through shattered infrastructure, at one point over 1,000 tonnes in a single month.

    UNOSOM General Stores Warehouse at Mogadishu Airport undergoes a few improvements 1993.jpg Crown Copyright © 2009 New Zealand Defence Force / All Rights Reserved

    The ground itself told the story. Movements threaded past the ruins of an oil depot and fuel farms; across coral-sand and concrete dust; through mixed cargo residues (fertiliser, cement) laminated with marine oils and solvents; past derelict aircraft still weeping fluids, plus the familiar companions of collapse: metals, asbestos fragments, and sewage-affected water.

    Protection was largely standard kit, helmets, frag vests, uniforms, rather than any specialist respiratory or dermal protection you’d expect in an industrial clean-up. The then-issue light fragmentation vest was widely regarded as unsuitable for the operating environment: confidence-boosting, yes; protective against chronic industrial exposures, no. Dress and load carriage reflected the heat and tempo more than hazard control (UN blue caps/baseball caps, PASGT helmets variably covered; relaxed working dress; webbing often set aside to work in vehicles and warehouses).

    That is why ordinary tasks, sweeping bays, slinging pallets, cutting and rigging, refuelling, and marshalling MHE on contaminated hard-standing, can have extraordinary consequences years later when no one records what’s in the dust.

    A recurring pattern across theatres

    This is not an anomaly; it is a template visible across a century of New Zealand service:

    • World Wars — depots, docks, railheads (1914–19; 1939–45). Coal soot, cordite fumes, leaded petrol and chlorinated solvents in workshops; asbestos in roofing and lagging; cement and lime dust from rapid rebuilds. Throughput trumped surveys: trains to marshal, ships to turn, vehicles to repair. Hygiene focused on infection and water; industrial toxicology barely featured, so exposure notes were rare.
    • Korea — Kure and the Commonwealth base (1950–53). A sprawling pre-existing industrial estate re-tasked for logistics: oils, solvents and paints in abundance, metals and asbestos in shipyard fabric. NZ personnel moved through a machine built for output; documentation captured receipts and readiness, not the air and dust they worked in.
    • Malaya, Borneo and Singapore–Malaysia (1948–66; presence to 1989). Workshops and airstrips required fuels, degreasers, and hydraulic fluids as routine background; insecticides/defoliants were widely used; accommodations and facilities were still in the asbestos era. These were “normal” garrison tasks under tropical conditions, with latency risks unrecognised, and site hazards seldom logged.
    • Vietnam — Vũng Tàu and beyond (1964–72). Waste burning near lines of communication, pervasive dust, fuels/solvents, and herbicide-affected environments. Integration into Australian support chains normalised the setting; recognition came decades later at the cohort level, while many individual exposure trails remained thin.
    • Bougainville (1990s). Accommodation and work areas inside a large copper-mine building exposed personnel to silica-rich and metallic dust under hot, enclosed conditions.
    • Balkans — Bosnia/Kosovo rotations (mid-1990s–2000s). Logistics hubs established inside bomb-scarred industrial zones: transformer yards with PCBs, refineries, vehicle plants; warehouses with demolition dust and solvent films. Early-entry imperatives (“get the flow moving”) routinely outpaced site characterisation.
    • Timor-Leste (1999–2002). Burnt-out Indonesian-era facilities with asbestos roofing, ad-hoc waste pits, and heavy cement/brick dust from rapid repairs. Logbooks recorded cargo and convoy timings; personal exposure records were typically maintained only in the event of an incident.
    • Afghanistan (2003–2013). High-altitude fine dusts, continuous diesel exhaust, widespread solvent degreasing, and transits through hubs with burn-adjacent histories. The hazards were familiar yet diffuse, cumulative, not catastrophic, and thus rarely captured in neat exposure sheets.
    • Iraq — Taji and hub transits (from 2015). Flightline dusts, fuels/solvents, and the legacy of burn pits at specific coalition bases; constant MHE movements on contaminated hard standing. Unit logs were excellent for consignments and training cycles; environmental notes were sporadic and incident-driven.

    The common pattern

    Occupy damaged or industrialised ground → work at pace → accept “background” contamination as the price of tempo. Ordinary logistic tasks, such as sweeping, cutting, rigging, refuelling, and marshalling MHE, become exposure pathways, and latency hides the bill until long after the paperwork stops.

    Why proof is missing — and why that shouldn’t be fatal

    Exposures often fail to appear in files because command salience sits with security and throughput; coalitions churn and records fragment; hygiene doctrine long prioritised infection and water over industrial toxicology; and latency outlasts memory. Compounding this, many hazards that are now recognised and routinely mitigated, legacy asbestos, diesel-exhaust particulates and cumulative solvent exposure were, even less than thirty years ago, poorly understood or not considered in planning, PPE issues, or environmental reconnaissance. That is why Parliament enacted the Veterans’ Support Act 2014 (VSA): a benevolent, merits-based scheme that requires decision-makers to act reasonably, apply natural justice, and ensure equal treatment of equal claims.

    Two schemes, same principles

    The VSA operates

    • Scheme One (older cohorts/legacy service) and
    • Scheme Two (modern deployments from 1 April 1974 onwards, with a stronger rehabilitation focus).

    Both schemes operate under the Act’s principle of benevolence. New Zealand adopts medical-scientific Statements of Principles (SoPs) from Australia’s Repatriation Medical Authority. Each SoP lists causal factors that, if present, link a condition to service. Two standards of proof apply: Reasonable Hypothesis (RH) for warlike/non-warlike (operational) service, a pro-veteran, lower threshold; and Balance of Probabilities (BoP) for peacetime/routine service, a higher threshold.

    How decisions should run in practice.

    1. If a relevant SoP exists, Veterans’ Affairs New Zealand (VANZ) tests the claim against it.
    2. If the RH test is met for qualifying operational service, the claim must be accepted.
    3. If no SoP applies or a SoP cannot neatly capture cumulative exposure, **section 15** applies: VANZ must accept the claim if it is consistent with a reasonable hypothesis based on the facts, unless there are reasonable grounds to believe it is not service‑related. This is the statutory safety‑net for thin or fragmented records.

    Where veterans get tripped up when making a claim

    Here is where the machinery breaks down: a process that treats missing records as the veteran’s problem and turns a benevolent scheme into an adversarial grind.

    • Thin records → heavy proof load on the veteran. Requests for exposure logs, sampling data, or site surveys that never existed end up weaponising the gaps the system created.
    • SoPs treated as gates, not guides. Complex, cumulative or novel exposures (multiple deployments, solvents, PCB yards) don’t map neatly to Statements of Principles, yet section 15 isn’t used early to accept a reasonable hypothesis.
    • Insurer-style posture. The process can feel adversarial, with repeated demands for “more” evidence, credibility challenges, and narrow readings of medical reports, especially when records are scarce.
    • Delay as denial. Multi-stage reconsideration/review/appeal stretches months into years; terminally ill veterans can die before resolution, or families inherit the burden mid-grief.
    • The state holds the data, while the veteran bears the risk. VANZ sits within NZDF, the institution with the records and institutional knowledge; yet, the evidential burden often rests with the ill claimant.
    • Language and culture mismatch. Claims framed like welfare applications rather than an earned entitlement under a State-fault scheme erode trust and deter engagement (contemporary veteran uptake is reported as extremely low).

    If New Zealand truly values those who keep the lines moving, Veterans’ Affairs and the NZDF must do better: shift their efforts from surge-time forms to credible post-tour evidence so that tomorrow’s veteran has a fair shot.

    When proof is already thin: build a triangle of proof

    • Tasks & places: diaries, load lists, movement tables, port/airfield names, ramp IDs, warehouse numbers, fuel farm locations, photos.
    • Site history: industrial uses, conflict damage, spill/burn areas, foam pads, mining legacies, and why it was dirty.
    • Medical trajectory: onset windows, peers with similar issues, GP/specialist notes and screening results.

    Conclusion

    Operationally, the principal danger to military logisticians is often not incoming fire but the estate underfoot, ground that must be made serviceable at pace and under pressure. Somalia serves as a national wake-up call: ordinary logistics in extraordinary environments, mainly undertaken in general-issue kit, with little of the exposure ever documented. Many hazards now recognised and routinely mitigated, such as legacy asbestos, diesel particulates, PCB yards, and cumulative solvent loads, were poorly understood or not considered less than thirty years ago, which only widens today’s evidential gaps.

    Even so, that counsel comes too late for many operations up to the early 2000s, when industrial hazards were poorly understood and exposure logs were uncommon. Even if the chaos of early entry cannot be redesigned, commanders and agencies can still complete the process correctly by creating a usable record. A succinct post-tour bundle, filed with personnel records and the unit archive, should include:

    • a task/location timeline,
    • sketch maps and photographs of sites worked,
    • a note of known or likely prior industrial uses,
    • brief witness statements,
    • unit diaries and load/consignment lists,
    • and GP/screening notes (e.g., spirometry where relevant).

    Decades later, this modest package can be the difference between a fair hearing and a polite denial. Where no bundle exists for historic tours, assemble the best available reconstruction from diaries, photos, unit logs, site histories, and medical notes.

    On the claims side, practice should match principle. Decision-making ought to reflect the benevolent, merits-based intent of the law; use multiple pathways (SoPs and reasonable-hypothesis routes); and adopt a culture that investigates rather than contests. Independent oversight, separate from VANZ and NZDF, would help ensure that the absence of paperwork does not become the absence of justice.


    Charles Loomes: A Forgotten Pioneer of New Zealand Military Innovation

    In the popular telling of New Zealand’s military history, the country is often cast as a recipient of overseas innovation, dependent on British or Allied designs to meet its military needs. However, overlooked in the archives is the story of Charles Loomes, a Defence Stores official whose early 20th-century inventions demonstrated both ingenuity and a deep understanding of local operational conditions.

    In 1910, as New Zealand established a modest domestic military manufacturing base—primarily focused on converting local wool into standard British-pattern uniforms—Loomes submitted two proposals to the War Office in London: one for a new entrenching tool and another for an improved infantry equipment system. Both designs were intended to enhance the practicality and comfort of New Zealand soldiers in the field.

    Although his ideas were ultimately not adopted, Loomes’s efforts exemplify a quiet but essential tradition of military innovation in New Zealand—one that deserves far greater recognition.

    A Life of Service and Practical Insight

    Charles Loomes was born in 1857 in Whittlesey, England, and emigrated to New Zealand, where he entered public service. By the early 1900s, he was working with the New Zealand Defence Stores Department in Wellington, a precursor to today’s logistical branches of the NZDF. He was not a military commander or weapons engineer, but rather a public servant embedded in the practicalities of supply and equipment. His proximity to returning troops from the South African War (1899–1902) gave him rare insight into the shortcomings of British military kit in colonial conditions. This combination of technical competence and frontline empathy shaped his two major design proposals.

    The Entrenching Tool: A Tool for the Dominion, Not the Empire

    At a time when British military orthodoxy remained firmly anchored in European conditions, Charles Loomes’ 1910 entrenching tool design stood out as a locally informed innovation. New Zealand troops had just returned from the South African War, bringing lessons hard learned in the scrublands and semi-arid terrain—lessons not adequately reflected in British-issue tools. The shortcomings of the British entrenching tool were increasingly evident: it was heavy, ill-suited for bush work, and cumbersome in combat conditions that demanded speed, versatility, and improvisation.

    Loomes, drawing upon feedback from returning veterans and his knowledge, designed a hybrid tool that merged the capabilities of a spade and a tomahawk. His model featured a shorter shaft for easier handling in confined environments and a reinforced blade capable of cutting through vegetation and lifting compact earth. He noted that the tool was designed to remove intact clumps of soil, making it ideal for quickly constructing makeshift sangars, foxholes, or low parapets. This capacity reflected an understanding of the semi-permanent, fast-moving trench systems standard in irregular warfare and mobile operations environments where New Zealand soldiers often found themselves.[1]

    According to the 1910 Defence Council report, New Zealand was reforming its defence organisation in anticipation of Lord Kitchener’s review. This included transitioning to a field force more attuned to national conditions. Loomes’ proposal arrived at a critical moment—just as local military leaders and policymakers were beginning to contemplate how New Zealand’s needs might diverge from Britain’s. The fact that the War Office in London reviewed and formally responded to Loomes’ tool submission, thanking him and returning the sample, underscores the event’s rarity. Colonial submissions were often ignored or lost in bureaucracy; Loomes’ treatment was an outlier.

    This modest response, while not leading to adoption, highlights the credibility of the proposal and its alignment with growing imperial awareness of environment-specific military needs. The reality, however, was stark: New Zealand had little indigenous arms production capability at the time, and the cost of tooling up to produce such implements locally was seen as prohibitive. The result was that practicality bowed to imperial standardisation.

    Nonetheless, Loomes’ design prefigures later developments. As early as the Second World War, entrenching tools would again be reconceptualised for jungle, bush, and close terrain operations, validating Loomes’ insight.

    Reimagining Load Carriage: A Soldier-Centred, Modular System

    In December 1910, Loomes followed up with a second design submission: improved infantry and mounted infantry equipment to address the long-standing challenge of balancing soldier load, accessibility, and operational effectiveness. This system is compelling because of its technical design and thought, which were born from operational realities and adapted to New Zealand’s hybrid mounted-infantry character.

    Loomes proposed a “heads and tails” ammunition pouch system capable of carrying 200 rounds of rifle ammunition—120 in the front, 80 in the rear. Unlike the British webbing designs of the time, which often created imbalance or restricted movement, Loomes’ design allowed soldiers to access ammunition from either end of each pouch. Rounds could be withdrawn in prone and standing positions without awkward adjustments. Once the front pouches were emptied, reserve pouches could be rotated forward, maintaining weight balance and ensuring the soldier remained combat-effective throughout prolonged engagements.[2]

    This solution anticipated later 20th-century load-carrying principles—particularly modularity, distributed weight, and quick-access ammunition positioning. Loomes’ notes also specify that his design intentionally left the chest and upper arms unencumbered. This would have improved ventilation and mobility—vital in warm or uneven terrain—and eased firing in prone positions.

    Just as important was the equipment’s versatility. Loomes’ harness could be configured for:

    • Light marching order (with minimal ammunition and essentials)
    • Full field service (including blanket, water bottle, greatcoat, and rations)
    • Mounted use (tailored to New Zealand’s mounted rifle units)

    Loomes understood that mounted infantry—New Zealand’s dominant expeditionary force model at the time—required unobtrusive, stable, and balanced carriage. This was vital for the rider’s comfort and maintaining combat readiness while mounted. Unlike the clumsy Slade-Wallace or even early Mills webbing gear, which could interfere with movement on horseback, Loomes’ system was designed with the horse in mind.

    His proposal was technically sound, cost-conscious, and straightforward to manufacture using leather or woven webbing. Though not accepted, the offer to supply working samples reflected his confidence in the design’s utility.

    The Defence Reports of 1911 and 1912 offer valuable context here. The reorganisation of the New Zealand Military Forces was in full swing: the new Territorial system was replacing the old Volunteer model, a permanent instructional staff was being built, and procurement systems were beginning to prioritise local efficiency.[3] Yet, despite a growing awareness of the need for New Zealand-specific solutions, structural constraints—particularly reliance on British-standardised procurement—remained a barrier. The Quartermaster-General’s 1912 report notes that equipment tenders were focused on uniformity and scale, with mills’ pattern marching-order sets being bulk-ordered from the UK.[4]

    In short, while Loomes’ system was conceptually ahead of its time, the institutional apparatus to support its adoption did not yet exist.

    Innovation Ahead of Infrastructure

    Though neither of Loomes’ designs entered service, their rejection reflected institutional inertia rather than any lack of merit. Britain retained tight control over military equipment standardisation, and New Zealand, then a Dominion with no significant defence manufacturing base, had little ability to produce its designs at scale. Loomes was ahead of his time: his submissions anticipated the kind of adaptations that would only become common decades later.

    His submissions challenged the notion that innovation flowed from the metropole to the periphery. Loomes proved that original thought could emerge from within New Zealand’s institutions—even if the machinery to adopt it lagged.

    A Precursor to Later Innovations: A Quiet Tradition of New Zealand Military Ingenuity

    Charles Loomes was not alone in his efforts to design military equipment better suited to New Zealand’s conditions and constraints. While his 1910 submissions may be among the earliest formal proposals from within New Zealand’s defence establishment, they were by no means the last. His spirit of pragmatic, ground-up innovation reappeared throughout the 20th century in a series of unique, often overlooked, and sometimes extraordinary developments—each born of necessity, local ingenuity, and limited resources.

    Among the most celebrated examples of New Zealand military innovation was the Roberts Travelling Kitchen, developed on the eve of the First World War by Captain W.G. Roberts of the New Zealand Army Service Corps. Designed in direct response to the challenges of feeding troops in dispersed, mobile operations, the Roberts Kitchen was a self-contained, horse-drawn field kitchen capable of preparing hot meals under austere and constantly shifting field conditions. Constructed with a robust metal chassis and mounted stoves, it could boil water, cook stews, or heat rations while on the move or in static positions without requiring a fixed base of operations. Its compact and modular layout allowed it to be easily deployed by small support teams, providing a dependable solution at a time when maintaining nutrition and morale was often as critical to battlefield effectiveness as ammunition and arms.

    What set the Roberts Kitchen apart was not just its portability, but its simplicity, durability, and adaptability—qualities that earned it significant praise both within New Zealand and abroad. It was exported to Australia and trialled by the Australian Army, where it was quickly recognised for its practicality and efficiency. In theatres where standard British Army cookhouses were too bulky or unsuitable for forward areas, the Roberts Kitchen filled a critical gap. It supported mobile columns and supply echelons across difficult terrain and under variable weather, making it ideal for forces operating far from fixed infrastructure. Though mechanised and industrially mass-produced wartime kitchens would later overshadow it, the Roberts Travelling Kitchen stands as a pioneering achievement that anticipated modern mobile field catering and embodied the soldier-centred ethos of New Zealand’s approach to military logistics.[5]

    Roberts 2a Oven (Travelling) for 250 Men. Archives New Zealand R22432833 Cookers – Field- Roberts travelling

    Then came the New Zealand Battle Ration, one of the most straightforward and most successful examples of locally designed and manufactured military innovation explicitly tailored to the needs of New Zealand troops. Developed during the Second World War, the Battle Ration emerged in response to a growing awareness that the ration packs issued by Britain and the United States were ill-suited to the operational conditions of the Pacific theatre, where New Zealand soldiers were increasingly deployed.

    New Zealand forces faced extreme humidity, dense jungle environments, and logistical constraints during campaigns in the Solomon Islands, New Caledonia, and other island chains. Standard British rations—often based on tinned meats, hard biscuits, and fatty components—were prone to spoilage, hard to digest in hot climates, and culturally misaligned with New Zealanders’ eating habits. Similarly, early U.S. C-Rations were heavy and included items with unfamiliar or unpalatable flavours. Soldiers frequently discarded parts of these rations, resulting in unnecessary waste and reduced nutritional intake.

    In contrast, the New Zealand Battle Ration was designed from the ground up with science, environment, and soldier morale in mind. Drawing on nutritional research and advice from local food technologists and military dieticians, the ration incorporated lightweight, dehydrated components that could be quickly reconstituted with water. This made the ration more portable and shelf-stable and reduced the bulk of what troops had to carry on long patrols or amphibious movements.

    Typical components included:

    • Compressed or dehydrated vegetables, often in powder or cube form;
    • High-calorie items such as chocolate, sweetened condensed milk powder, and dried fruit;
    • New Zealand-produced biscuits formulated to remain edible in heat and humidity;
    • Beef extract or bouillon tablets, providing both flavour and salts for hydration;
    • Tea and sugar, consistent with New Zealand soldiers’ dietary and morale preferences.

    The result was a compact, nutritionally complete, and culturally familiar ration pack that troops could rely on. Its ease of carriage and reduced spoilage rates made it ideal for small-unit operations, reconnaissance patrols, and units cut off from resupply in remote jungle areas.

    The Battle Ration was also locally produced, reducing dependency on vulnerable international supply chains. New Zealand manufacturers, working with the Defence Department and scientific institutions, were able to source, process, and package the components within the country. This had the dual benefit of supporting the national economy during wartime and ensuring higher quality control for frontline provisioning.

    The Battle Rations’ success did not go unnoticed. It earned positive recognition from allied observers, particularly American nutritionists and quartermasters who saw in it a viable model for regional adaptation. In some cases, its components were studied as part of broader Allied efforts to improve ration systems in the Pacific, and small-scale adoption of similar food technologies followed.

    More than a stopgap solution, the New Zealand Battle Ration represented a fully integrated, homegrown logistical system that placed the soldier’s lived experience at the centre of its design. It remains a landmark example of how a small nation, facing unique environmental and operational challenges, could outpace its larger allies in terms of applied military food science and practical innovation.[6]

    But New Zealand’s ingenuity extended beyond food and field comforts.

    In 1941, as global supply chains strained and frontline weapons were scarce, Philip Charlton devised the Charlton Automatic Rifle—a fully automatic conversion of obsolete bolt-action Lee–Metford and Lee–Enfield rifles. Intended as a stopgap substitute for the unavailable Bren and Lewis light machine guns, the Charlton was produced primarily for the New Zealand Home Guard. Its rugged construction, semi-automatic default operation, forward pistol grip and bipod (in the New Zealand model) made it an effective emergency solution.[7] Around 1,500 were produced; today, surviving examples are exceedingly rare, but they remain a testament to New Zealand’s wartime adaptation amid global resource shortages.

    Charlton Automatic Rifle. 1941, New Zealand, by Charlton Motor Workshops. Gift of Mr Philip Charlton, 1965. CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Te Papa (DM000451/1-3)

    Less successful, but no less revealing, was the Mitchell Machine Carbine, a prototype submachine gun developed by New Zealander Allen Mitchell and submitted for testing in Britain in 1943. Though ultimately rejected due to faults in the trigger mechanism, stock, and excessive barrel heating, the weapon represented an attempt to produce a cost-effective domestic submachine gun using local materials and simple blowback operation. A second, improved prototype was submitted in 1944 but was again declined. Only four Mitchell SMGs were ever built; all remain in New Zealand collections. Despite its flaws, the project underscored the determination to establish a sovereign capacity for weapons development, however limited.[8]

    Perhaps the most striking and tragic example of New Zealand’s wartime ingenuity is the story of Colonel John Owen Kelsey and the Kelsey Swivel-Stock Rifle. Drawing from his extensive service as an ordnance and engineering officer during the Second World War, Kelsey developed a novel modification of the Sten submachine gun in the early 1950s. Rather than attempting a curved barrel like the German Krummlauf, Kelsey’s design allowed the weapon to be fired around corners via a swivel-stock and periscopic sight, enabling an operator to shoot while remaining in cover. The concept was tested successfully at Waiouru and forwarded to the War Office in London.[9]

    Shooting around a corner from cover with he experimental Mk5 Sten “Swivel Butt Carbiner”. Courtesy MoD Pattern Room Library

    Kelsey believed the design could be adapted to other weapons and took out international patents. However, he received no further response, and amid growing personal hardship, he died by suicide in 1954.[10] Though the design never progressed beyond a prototype, it serves as a sobering reminder of the often-overlooked costs of service and the post-war fate of veterans whose talents went underutilised.

    Perhaps the most unusual case in New Zealand’s military innovation archive is that of Victor Penny, an Auckland bus mechanic and amateur radio enthusiast who, in the years before the Second World War, persuaded defence authorities that he could build a “death ray” capable of disabling enemy vehicles, aircraft, and electronics. Penny’s device, reportedly a directed electromagnetic energy weapon, earned him state support and near-total secrecy. He was relocated to Somes Island in Wellington Harbour—used during the war as an internment and quarantine facility—where a laboratory was constructed solely for his use. Though the project yielded no proven battlefield capability, it remains an intriguing episode in the country’s history of experimental defence projects and an indicator of how seriously New Zealand’s government once considered homegrown science and technology, even of the most speculative kind.[11]

    Radio enthusiast Victor Penny was kept under guard on Matiu Somes Island in Wellington Harbour in 1935 as he worked on his mysterious invention.FILE / Dominion-Post

    An Innovation Ethos Born of Need

    What binds together the remarkable and diverse stories of Charles Loomes’ entrenching tool and load-carrying equipment, the Roberts Travelling Kitchen, the New Zealand Battle Ration, the Charlton automatic rifle, the Mitchell submachine gun, Victor Penny’s speculative “death ray,” and Colonel Kelsey’s swivel-stock rifle is not institutional power, budgetary scale, or industrial might. Instead, they emerged from a humbler yet uniquely resilient source: necessity—the mother of invention in a small, geographically isolated nation.

    These were not the products of a formal military-industrial complex. They came from soldiers, field engineers, ordnance officers, public servants, hobbyists, and workshop innovators. Each worked from within or alongside New Zealand’s military system, often without formal research backing, institutional commissions, or manufacturing infrastructure. They responded to pressing operational needs, adapting or reinventing equipment that didn’t suit the environment or realities faced by New Zealand troops—whether in the South African veldt, the Italian alleys of WWII, the Pacific or the cold training grounds of Waiouru.

    Despite the quality and relevance of these designs, many were either dismissed by imperial authorities or faded from memory in the post-war era, overshadowed by the need to adhere to British and later American standardisation. Yet many were contextually brilliant. The Roberts Kitchen and Battle Ration were internationally recognised. The Charlton rifle filled a vital gap in local defence. Kelsey’s adapted Sten gun may not have been adopted, but it represented forward-thinking soldier survivability in urban combat. Even Victor Penny’s electromagnetic weapon, though more speculative, illustrates the willingness of New Zealand’s authorities to explore radical ideas when the stakes were high.

    Together, these stories reflect a recurring national pattern: when strategic isolation, global conflict, or supply chain fragility forced New Zealand to look inward, the country proved more than capable of producing its answers. Innovation in New Zealand has historically been less about prestige and more about practicality—a can-do, field-driven ingenuity that quietly delivered effective solutions under adverse conditions.

    Charles Loomes, then, should not be seen as a lone innovator ahead of his time, but rather as the first in a long and under-recognised lineage. This lineage stretches from the trenches of South Africa and Gallipoli, through the fields of Italy, and into workshops, depots, and paddocks across the country. These innovators turned limitations into opportunities and ensured New Zealand could solve its military problems independently despite its small population and modest resources.

    The legacy of this ethos remains deeply relevant today. New Zealand’s past offers historical insight and a blueprint for future resilience as the global security environment becomes more uncertain and supply chains more contested.


    Notes

    [1] From: Charles Loomes, Defence Stores Date: 1 August 1910 Subject: Entrenching tool invented by himself, asks that it be forwarded to Imperial, Archives New Zealand Item ID R24759083, (Wellington: New Zealand Archives, 1910).

    [2] Charles Loomes, Wellington Date: 24 December 1910 Subject: Improved Equipment for use of Infantry and Mounted Infantry, Archives New Zealand Item ID R24759941, (Wellington: New Zealand Archives, 1910).

    [3] “H-19 Defence Forces of New Zealand: Report of the General Officer Commanding the Forces for the period from 7th December 1910 to 27th July 1911,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives  (1 January 1911), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1911-I.2.4.2.30.

    [4] “Defence Forces of New Zealand: Report of the General Officer Commanding the Forces for the period 28 July 1911 to 27th June 1912,” Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1912 Session II, H-19  (27 June 1912), https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/parliamentary/AJHR1912-II.2.4.2.37.

    [5] “Cookers – Field- Roberts travelling,” Archives New Zealand Item No R22432833  (1915).

    [6] “DSIR [Department of Scientific and Industrial Research] World War 2 Narratives. No. 10. Dehydrated Foods and Ration Packs. Copy No. 1,” Archives New Zealand Item No R1768268  (1948).

    [7] M.E. Haskew, Rifles and Muskets: From 1450 to the present day (Amber Books Limited, 2017). https://books.google.co.nz/books?id=ZFoqDwAAQBAJ.

    [8] J.D. Glover, The Mitchell sub-machine gun 1941-1944: a history (Lithographic Services, 1992).

    [9] “Firing around corners,” Press, Volume LXXXIX, Issue 27083, 4 July 1953, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19530704.2.122.

    [10] “Death of Gun Inventor,” Press, Volume XC, Issue 27321,, 10 April 1954, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19540410.2.122.

    [11] D. Downs and J. Bridges, No. 8 Re-wired: 202 New Zealand Inventions That Changed the World: 202 New Zealand Inventions That Changed the World (Penguin Random House New Zealand, 2014).


    By Words We Are Known: The Mottos of New Zealand’s Army Logistic Corps

    “Actions speak louder than words; let your words teach and your actions speak.” – Anthony of Padua

    Across the military world, mottos occupy a special place in a unit’s identity. Far more than decorative phrases, they encapsulate ethos, tradition, pride, and mission. New Zealand’s Army logistic corps have long embraced this tradition, each adopting a motto that speaks to their distinct contributions to sustaining and enabling military operations. Together, these mottos form a vital cultural bridge to the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment (RNZALR) of today.

    This article explores the historic mottos of New Zealand’s logistic corps — the Royal New Zealand Army Service Corps (RNZASC), Royal New Zealand Corps of Transport (RNZCT), Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (RNZAOC), and Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (RNZEME) — and how their spirit continues in the RNZALR’s regimental motto.

    The RNZASC and RNZCT: “Nil Sine Labore” — Nothing Without Labour

    The Royal New Zealand Army Service Corps (RNZASC), formed in 1910 and later reorganised into the Royal New Zealand Corps of Transport (RNZCT) in 1979, adopted the Latin motto “Nil Sine Labore”, meaning “Nothing Without Labour.”

    • Meaning and Significance:
      “Nil Sine Labore” captured the essential reality of logistics: success in battle is impossible without the unceasing work of those who provide transport, fuel, rations, and supplies.
    • Wider Context:
      Like the mottos of other Commonwealth service corps (e.g., British Army Service Corps), it stresses the indispensable nature of effort behind the scenes. While combat might capture glory, labour — the unseen supply chain — sustains the force.
    • Legacy:
      The RNZCT’s adoption of the same motto ensured continuity, even as functions evolved from general service to highly mobile modern transport operations.

    The RNZAOC: “Sua Tela Tonanti” — To the Warrior Their Arms

    The Royal New Zealand Army Ordnance Corps (RNZAOC) proudly carried the Latin motto “Sua Tela Tonanti”, traditionally translated as “To the Warrior His Arms”, though now often rendered as “To the Warrior Their Arms” for inclusiveness.

    • Meaning and Significance:
      This motto embodies the RNZAOC’s role in arming the Army, providing everything from ammunition and weapons to clothing and technical stores. It positions the Corps not as passive administrators, but as an essential enabler of combat power.
    • Wider Context:
      Inherited from the historic British Board of Ordnance, the motto ties the RNZAOC directly to a centuries-old tradition of sustaining armies through mastery over materiel — arms to the Thunderer (Jove), or in modern terms, arms to the Warrior.
    • Legacy:
      The RNZAOC’s operational support philosophy — rapid, flexible, forward-moving supply and repair — deeply influenced New Zealand’s logistic identity into the RNZALR era.

    The RNZEME: “Arte et Marte” — By Skill and Fighting

    The Royal New Zealand Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (RNZEME) chose the Latin motto “Arte et Marte”, meaning “By Skill and Fighting” or “By Craft and Combat.”

    • Meaning and Significance:
      “Arte et Marte” speaks to the technical excellence demanded of soldiers who kept vehicles, weapons, and equipment operational in all conditions, often under fire. It acknowledges that engineering support is not a civilian function, but a battlefield art practised in war.
    • Wider Context:
      Similar mottos appear across the engineer and technical corps throughout the Commonwealth, blending pride in professionalism with recognition of the combat environment they work within.
    • Legacy:
      RNZEME’s ethos of skilled technical intervention in the face of adversity feeds directly into the RNZALR’s emphasis on innovation, adaptability, and operational effectiveness today.

    The RNZALR: “Mā Ngā Hua Tu Tangata” — By Our Actions We Are Known

    When the Royal New Zealand Army Logistic Regiment (RNZALR) was formed in 1996 through the amalgamation of the RNZCT, RNZAOC, RNZEME, and the All-Arms Quartermaster functions, it needed a new motto — one that would respect its heritage while uniting its many trades and traditions.

    The selected motto, in Te Reo Māori, is “Mā Ngā Hua Tu Tangata”, which translates as “By Our Actions We Are Known.”

    • Meaning and Significance:
      This motto synthesises the underlying spirit of the earlier corps mottos. Labour, provision of arms, technical skill, and combat support all manifest through actions — actions that sustain the force and ultimately define success.
    • Wider Context:
      By choosing a motto in Te Reo Māori, the RNZALR affirmed its place within a distinctly New Zealand military culture. This reflected the nation’s commitment to multiculturalism and honoured Māori and Western traditions.
    • Continuity and Evolution:
      While the words changed, the spirit endures.
      • “Nil Sine Labore” – Nothing is possible without action.
      • “Sua Tela Tonanti” – The arms are provided through action.
      • “Arte et Marte” – Action is both skilled and courageous.
      • “Mā Ngā Hua Tu Tangata” – Actions define reputation.

    Thus, the RNZALR motto is not a break with the past but the culmination of it — a living link between generations of logisticians who have sustained New Zealand’s Army from the earliest days to the present.

    Conclusion: Living the Legacy

    Military mottos are far more than slogans; they are declarations of identity, values, and purpose. In the case of New Zealand’s Army logistics corps, each motto reflects a vital facet of the broader logistics enterprise — from hard work and skilled maintenance to the critical task of arming and equipping the warfighter.

    Through “Mā Ngā Hua Tu Tangata”, the RNZALR carries forward these proud traditions, reminding every Logistic Specialist, Movements Operator, Caterer, Maintainer, and Combat Driver that it is through their actions — perhaps unseen by many, but vital to all — that the Army stands strong.